Discussion-3

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Financing healthcare 

1-In your words, what the major models of healthcare financing? In your response, be thorough and provide examples. (4-6 paragraphs).

2-Discuss health care insurance (private vs. other types of insurance) in terms of achieving the access and equity goals of healthcare transformation.  (4-5 paragraphs).

3-Describe taxations, out-of-pocket, deductible, and copaying. (4-6 paragraphs).

By William H. Shrank, Nancy-Ann DeParle, Scott Gottlieb, Sachin H. Jain, Peter Orszag, Brian W. Powers,
and Gail R. Wilensky

Commentary

Health Costs And Financing:
Challenges And Strategies For A
New Administration

ABSTRACT It is likely that 2021 will be a dynamic year for US health care
policy. There is pressing need and opportunity for health reform that
helps achieve better access, affordability, and equity. In this commentary,
which is part of the National Academy of Medicine’s Vital Directions for
Health and Health Care: Priorities for 2021 initiative, we draw on our
collective backgrounds in health financing, delivery, and innovation to
offer consensus-based policy recommendations focused on health costs
and financing. We organize our recommendations around five policy
priorities: expanding insurance coverage, accelerating the transition to
value-based care, advancing home-based care, improving the affordability
of drugs and other therapeutics, and developing a high-value workforce.
Within each priority we provide recommendations for key elected
officials and political appointees that could be used as starting points for
evidence-based policy making that supports a more effective, efficient,
and equitable health system in the US.

I
tis likelythat 2021willbe adynamic year
for US health care policy. More than a
decade after the Affordable Care Act
(ACA) was passed, health reform re-
mains a top concern for the American

public.1 The number of uninsured Americans is
rising. Affordability—at both the system and in-
dividual levels—is eroding. And the numerous
ways in which racism and prejudice drive unac-
ceptable disparities in health and well-being
are increasingly evident. The coronavirus dis-
ease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, which placed
historic stress on an already strained system, has
only exacerbated many of these shortcomings.
Against this backdrop, the National Academy

of Medicine convened the Vital Directions for
Health and Health Care: Priorities for 2021 ini-
tiative, which, following a 2016 initiative of the
same name,2 aims to provide expert guidance on
several focus areas for US health policy. In this
article we draw on our collective backgrounds in

healthfinancing,delivery,andinnovationtooffer
a setofconsensus-based policyrecommendations
focused on health care costs and financing.

System Goals
Our recommendations are grounded in three
overarching goals for the US health system: ac-
cess, affordability, and equity.
Access Every American should have access to

health care. However, the US has a large and
growing uninsured population. After reaching
a nadir of 28.7 million (8.9 percent of the popu-
lation) in 2016, the number of uninsured people
is expected to rise to 37.2 million (10.6 percent of
the population) by 2028.3 This comes at a time
when a growing body of research links insurance
coverage to improvements in financial security,
health, and longevity.4–6

Affordability Every American should have
access to affordable health care. However, health

doi: 10.1377/hlthaff.2020.01560
HEALTH AFFAIRS 40,
NO. 2 (2021): 235–242
This open access article is
distributed in accordance with the
terms of the Creative Commons
Attribution (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0)
license.

William H. Shrank
([email protected]) is
chief medical and corporate
affairs officer of Humana in
Louisville, Kentucky.

Nancy-Ann DeParle is a
managing partner and
cofounder of Consonance
Capital Partners, in New York,
New York.

Scott Gottlieb is a resident
fellow at the American
Enterprise Institute, in
Washington, D.C.

Sachin H. Jain is president
and CEO of the SCAN Group
and Health Plan and an
adjunct professor of medicine,
Stanford University School of
Medicine, in Stanford,
California.

Peter Orszag is the CEO of
Financial Advisory at Lazard
Freres and Co., LLC, in New
York, New York.

Brian W. Powers is deputy
chief medical officer at
Humana in Boston,
Massachusetts.

Gail R. Wilensky is a senior
fellow at Project HOPE, in
Bethesda, Maryland.

February 2021 40:2 Health Affairs 235

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care spending continues to grow at an unsustain-
able rate. Whereas spending growth initially
slowed after implementation of the ACA, it has
accelerated once again.3,7 The consequences of
this acceleration are well established and include
a growing national debt; strained federal, state,
and local budgets; stagnant wages; and in-
creased financial insecurity for Americans.2,8,9

Even for those with insurance coverage, health
care is increasingly unaffordable: Roughly half of
US adults have delayed or avoided care because
of cost.10

Equity Every American should have equal ac-
cess to affordable health care. However, there
remain unacceptable inequities in health care
access and outcomes by race, ethnicity, socioeco-
nomic status, and other dimensions.11,12 This has
been made painfully obvious during the COVID-
19 pandemic, which has taken an unacceptably
high and disparate toll on underserved commu-
nities and people of color.13–15

Interrelated Goals These three goals of ac-
cess, affordability, and equity are deeply interre-
lated. In some cases, improvements are comple-
mentary. Increased access can improve equity.16

In others, conflicts arise. Expanding access pre-
sents a substantial affordability challenge at the
system level. Although difficult trade-offs are in-
evitable, we believe there are opportunities to
simultaneously improve access, affordability,
and equity. When identifying policy recommen-
dations, we aimed to identify those most likely
to yield balanced improvements across all three
areas.

Policy Priorities
We propose five policy priorities to advance these
system goals: expand insurance coverage, accel-
erate the transition to value-based care, advance
home-based care, improve the affordability of
drugs and other therapeutics, and develop a
high-value workforce. Within the broad domain
of health costs and financing, there surely are
many other policy priorities worth considering.
These five represent our view of the most prom-
ising near-term opportunities to leverage health
care financing and payment to improve access,
affordability, and equity.
Expand Insurance Coverage From 2010 to

2016, policies in the ACA led to a steady decline
in the number of uninsured Americans.17 These
coverage gains have led to improved health, eq-
uity, and financial well-being.4–6,16 When the orig-
inal Vital Directions initiative was convened in
2016,2 the uninsurance rate was at an all-time
low. Since then, the number of uninsured Amer-
icans has risen steadily.3,17 The COVID-19 pan-
demic will only accelerate this trend and has

highlighted the limitations of employer-spon-
sored insurance. During the height of the pan-
demic, millions of Americans lost their jobs and
their access to employer-based insurance cover-
age over the span of several months.18,19

Multifaceted and fiscally prudent approaches
to closing the growing coverage gap are neces-
sary but face significant barriers. There remains
political resistance to expanding coverage
through mechanisms set forth in the ACA.
Twelve states have not expanded Medicaid, sev-
eral coverage-related provisions in the ACA
have been repealed, and support of the Market-
places for individual coverage has been uneven.
Bipartisan approaches and public-private part-
nerships are needed.
Sustainable financing presents another chal-

lenge. Mechanisms for publicly financing cover-
age expansion—through deficit spending, new
revenue sources, or revenue transfers—come
with inherent trade-offs and will require biparti-
san compromise.We believe that reallocating the
substantial resources spent on care that does not
improve health20 represents an opportunity to
expand coverage without sacrificing affordabili-
ty or quality, but the impact of associated reve-
nue reductions on providers needs to be closely
considered.
Accelerate Transition To Value-Based

Care A central action priority identified in the
original Vital Directions initiative was to “pay for
value”—specifically, to “drive health care pay-
ment innovation providing incentives for out-
comes and value.”2 Since that time, value-based
payment has grown notably. According to the
Health Care Payment Learning and Action Net-
work, the share of health care payments admin-
istered via alternative payment models increased
from 23percent in2015 to 36 percentin 2018.21,22

Although selected models have generated signif-
icant savings,23–25 the overall impact of new
payment models on cost and quality has been
mixed.26–28

We believe that significant potential remains
for payment models to accelerate value-based
care delivery, but several barriers must be ad-
dressed. First, most alternative payment models
remain anchored in a fee-for-service architec-
ture. Only 5 percent of health care payments
in 2018 were population based (for example,
global budgets).22 Broader adoption of advanced
population-based payment is needed. Second,
the penetration of value-based payment lags
among commercial and Medicaid payers. In
2018, 40.9 percent of payments in traditional
Medicare and 53.6 percent of payments in Medi-
care Advantage occurred through advanced
value-based models, compared with 23.3 percent
in Medicaid and 30.1 percent among commercial

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payers.22 Medicare can serve as a catalyst for
payment reform, but fundamental changes in
the delivery system will not occur without multi-
payer alignment. Finally, there are growing con-
cerns that certain value-based payment models
may exacerbate inequities or penalize organiza-
tions that care for vulnerable populations.29 It is
essential that value-based payment help amelio-
rate, not exacerbate, disparities.
Accelerating the transition to value-based care

necessitates more than new payment models.
Redesigning care delivery to provide more value
to patients requires new tools, competencies,
and infrastructure.2,30 To that end, it is necessary
that payment models be accompanied by techni-
cal assistance and infrastructure support. This
will be especially important to encourage partic-
ipation and ensure success for independent pro-
viders, who appear to be most successful when
engaging in value-based models.24

Infrastructure improvements at the system
level are also needed. Robust, interoperable data
exchange is a prerequisite for value-based care.31

There has been important progress on interop-
erability since the original Vital Directions ini-
tiative.2 In early 2020 the Department of Health
and Human Services (HHS) issued a final rule
implementing interoperability and the patient
access provisions of the 21st Century Cures Act
of 2016, although enforcement has been delayed
because of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Advance Home-Based Care Improvements in
internet, video, and remote monitoring capabil-
ities increasingly allow for the delivery of health
care services in more cost-effective, patient-
centered settings. Patients now can receive
home-based acute care,32 primary care,33 and be-
havioral health services34 of equal or better qual-

ity compared with facility-based delivery, and at
a lower cost. Despite promising evidence, few
programs have reached meaningful scale. In
2018 only 2 percent of commercially insured
people had a telehealth visit with a provider, with
rates even lower in Medicare and Medicaid.35

Home-based acute, postacute, and long-term
care occur at even lower rates.
As the logistics and infrastructure to support

home-based care mature, reimbursement and
financing models present a substantial barrier
to widespread adoption. Although telehealth ser-
vices were reimbursed by many payers before
2020, payment rates did not support the process
and workflow changes needed for adoption at
scale. For other home-based services such as
acute, postacute, and long-term care, there are
scant reimbursement models outside of small
pilots. The COVID-19 pandemic has made clear
the drastic impact that reimbursement policy
can have on the adoption of telehealth and
home-based care. Facilitated by the introduction
of reimbursement parity, there has been a rapid
transition to virtual visits in the ambulatory set-
ting during the pandemic.36 Shifting care to the
most appropriate and cost-effective settings will
require permanent reimbursement changes for
telehealth and tailored financing models for
home-based care across the continuum of dis-
ease severity.
Improve The Affordability Of Drugs And

Other Therapeutics Access to novel therapeu-
tics is a distinguishing feature of the US health
system, but also a key driver of high spending.37–39

The crisis of affordability for drugs and other
therapeutics has only intensified since the origi-
nal Vital Directions initiative was convened in
2016.2,37 Highly effective therapeutics may lower
aggregate spending by reducing the need for
costly interventions or hospitalizations, but
many of these novel medicines command high
prices.40 More challenging is the fact that high
prices are not always aligned with value. Prices
on existing, branded drugs have increased sub-
stantially during the past decade, limiting afford-
ability and access.37,41,42 And even in circumstanc-
es where the benefits are unclear or modest,
many new therapeutics are still reimbursed at
high rates.37,43

With continued innovation on the horizon—
including gene therapy—these challenges will
become more acute. Broadening the pool of
Americans who can obtain and afford high-value
therapeutics will require reimbursement struc-
tures that align payment with value and balance
affordability with the continued need for inno-
vation. Such efforts face a number of challenges:
regulatory barriers that limit generic and bio-
similar development; a lack of robust informa-

Although difficult
trade-offs are
inevitable, we believe
there are
opportunities to
simultaneously
improve access,
affordability, and
equity.

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tion from which to base comparative effective-
ness, coverage, and reimbursement decisions;
and societal discomfort around limiting access
to any therapies, including those that are of
low value.
Develop A High-Value Workforce The US

benefits from a highly skilled health care work-
force and is home to premier training institu-
tions. But there are significant and growing
workforce shortages in the areas of primary care,
behavioral health, and dental care.44 A coordinat-
edstrategytotrain, deploy,and supporta diverse
health care workforce is an essential enabler of
access, quality, and value, particularly in under-
resourced communities.
Regulatory restrictions remain a key barrier

to progress. Current licensure and credentialing
requirements and state-by-state variation in
scope-of-practice laws limit the opportunity to
leverage technology and advanced practice pro-
viders to address workforce shortages, improve
access, and provide the most cost-effective
care.45,46 The response to COVID-19 has shown
the benefit of relaxing such structures. During
the pandemic, regulatory bodies and payers
moved quickly to augment in-person workforce
capacity in regions experiencing surges in
COVID-19 cases and to allow for telehealth to
serve as a substitute for in-person care. Many
state medical boards waived licensing require-
ments for telehealth and provided expedited,
temporary licenses for out-of-state providers.47

Formalizing these changes outside of the pan-
demic will be important.
Alongside reducing regulatory barriers, devel-

oping a high-value workforce will also require a
better use of community members and less spe-
cialized individuals (for example, community
health workers and navigators) to support care
delivery in uniquely effective, efficient, and cul-
turally appropriate ways.48

Recommendations For Key Elected
Officials And Political Appointees
The priorities we have outlined represent near-
term opportunities to improve access, afford-
ability, and equity. To help catalyze action along
these dimensions, we developed a short list of
recommendations for key stakeholders.We focus
on three key federal leaders—the secretary of
HHS, the administrator of the Centers for Medi-
care and Medicaid Services (CMS), and the com-
missioner of the Food and Drug Administration
(FDA)—and state governors, because of their
ability to quickly and effectively affect change.
Comprehensive reform will require close collab-
oration with other elected officials and political
appointees and commensurate attention, activi-

ty, and innovation from the private sector.
Expand Insurance Coverage The HHS sec-

retary should develop alternative pathways to
insurance coverage, including strengthening
and better supporting the individual insurance
Marketplaces and working with Congress to de-
crease the age of Medicare eligibility to fifty-five.
Doing so will help ensure coverage, improve
affordability, and offer greater choice for older
Americans unable to obtain employer-based
coverage.
Governors should also create opportunities

for expanded coverage in their states. Optimal
use of the Medicaid program offers the greatest
opportunity to expand coverage and promote
health equity. Governors in states that have
not yet expanded Medicaid should work closely
with their legislative bodies to do so. Outside of
Medicaid expansion, governors—working with
their insurance commissioners—should support
the individual Marketplace by offering risk-
management mechanisms to private payers
providing individual coverage via state-based
exchanges and by extending open enrollment
periods.
Accelerate Transition To Value-Based

Care The CMS administrator should increase
the adoption of advanced value-based payment
models. Value-based payment in Medicare has
grown, but most value-based payments remain
anchored in a fee-for-service architecture. Popu-
lation-based payment has the greatest potential
to improve outcomes and lower costs. The CMS
administrator should set a goal of having 25 per-
cent of Medicare payments administered via
population-based payments by 2025.
The CMS administrator also must align pay-

ment models with equity. Value-based payment
has the potential to advance health equity but
may inadvertently exacerbate health disparities.
The administrator should conduct a thorough
review of existing payment models to evaluate
their impact on equity while developing new
payment models that create financing flexibility
to address structural racism and social determi-
nants of health and explicitly reward reductions
in health disparities.
It will also be important for CMS to help stabi-

lize independent primary care providers.
COVID-19 has placed significant financial strain
on independent primary care providers. This is
especially troubling, as these clinicians provide
critical access to health care for much of the US
population and have been uniquely successful at
delivering value-based care.24 The administrator
should take action to stabilize finances for inde-
pendent primary care providers by providing
prepayment to offset lost fee-for-service revenue
as a path to population-based payment.

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The CMS administrator can also play an im-
portant role in broadening value-based insur-
ance design. Expanding on existing pilot
programs in Medicare Advantage, the adminis-
trator should use the authority of the Center for
Medicare and Medicaid Innovation (CMMI) to
reduce cost sharing for cost-effective, high-value
services in traditional Medicare and Medicare
Advantage.
In addition, Medicare Advantage should be

strengthened. More than a third of Medicare
beneficiaries are now enrolled in Medicare Ad-
vantage plans.49 The program benefits from
strong bipartisan support50 and has catalyzed
the adoption of advanced value-based payment
models.21 Strengthening the program could po-
sition it to serve as a chassis for coverage expan-
sion. To achieve this goal, the administrator
should continue to increase flexibility for Medi-
care Advantage plans to design new benefit pack-
ages, incentivize healthy choices, and redistrib-
ute funding to reduce disparities and improve
equity. As voluntary enrollment in Medicare Ad-
vantage begins to outpace that in traditional
Medicare in some regions, the administrator will
need to reconsider financial models that deter-
mine benchmark payments as well. Finally, the
administrator should continue to explore new
approaches to sustainable risk adjustment for
Medicare Advantage plans.
The CMS administrator can help accelerate the

transition to value-based care by enforcing reg-
ulations that promote interoperability. Interop-
erable data exchange supports care coordination
and the delivery of high-quality, cost-effective
care.30 Although it was appropriate to delay en-
forcement of key interoperability provisions of
the 21st Century Cures Act in the context of the
COVID-19 pandemic, the administrator should
avoid any further delays.
State governors can also play an important

role in accelerating the transition to value-based
care models by expanding their use in Medicaid.
The penetration of value-based care in Medicaid
lags behind Medicare and commercial markets,
limiting the ability to achieve cost-effective,
high-quality care for vulnerable populations.

Governors, working with their Medicaid direc-
tors, should expand the use of value-based pay-
ment through Medicaid managed care contract-
ing and Section 1115 waivers. Governors should
aim to achieve the goal set by the Health Care
Payment Learning and Action Network of having
50 percent of Medicaid payments in advanced
value-based payment models with downside risk
by 2025.51

Advance Home-Based Care To advance home-
based care, the CMS administrator should for-
malize changes to telehealth reimbursement.
Working with Congress where needed, the ad-
ministrator should make permanent some of the
changes to telehealth reimbursement that were
instituted under the COVID-19 public health
emergency. Approaches could include continued
reimbursement at parity for audiovisual tele-
health visits, with more modest payments for
telephonic and asynchronous interactions. It
will be important to ensure that reimbursement
policies position telehealth as a substitute for
more expensive and less accessible sites of care
and do not induce unnecessary spending and
utilization.
The CMS administrator should also develop

reimbursement models for home-based care.
Under the authority of CMMI, the administrator
should create and test new payment models for
home-based acute, postacute, and long-term
care.
Improve Affordability Of Drugs And Oth-

er Therapeutics The FDA commissioner
should expand on recent efforts to reduce bar-
riers to generic and biosimilar development and
market entry with the goal of increasing compe-
tition, improving access, and reducing prices.
Potential strategies include enabling more effi-
cient pathways for the approval of safe and effec-
tive generic and biosimilar versions of complex
drugs that often face no or limited competition,
even after patents and exclusivities have lapsed;
closing regulatory loopholes that can be ex-
ploited to maintain a monopoly through the
granting of patents and other exclusivities; har-
monizing regulatory filing requirements for ge-
neric medicines with other global regulators;
and fostering the development of advanced
manufacturing platforms that lower costs and
improve quality and reliability. This is especially
important for biologics, for which manufactur-
ing challenges are a barrier to the entry of bio-
similars.
The FDA commissioner also should accelerate

efforts to build a robust real-world evidence pro-
gram and develop rigorous, science-based crite-
ria for how real-world evidence can be used to
inform decisions about the safety and effective-
ness of new therapeutics. Such a framework not

Any effort at reform
will occur in the
shadow of the COVID-
19 pandemic.

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only would expand opportunities for pre- and
postmarket evidence on safety and efficacy but
also would be available to payers and other enti-
ties to support comparative effectiveness and
cost-effectiveness analyses. This infrastructure
is a prerequisite for any effort at value-based
pricing for therapeutics.
The CMS administrator can also play a key role

in improving the affordability of drugs by devel-
oping value-based reimbursement models for
high-value therapeutics. Under the authority of
CMMI, the administrator should expand on re-
cent efforts to create and test new payment mod-
els for prescription drugs,52 including reference
pricing, outcomes-based payment, and Medicare
Part B payment reform. As multiple models of
reimbursement are tested, it will be important to
both guard against and monitor for efforts at
gaming different pricing models.
Develop A High-Value Workforce Through

a partnership with state governments and pri-
vate payers, the HHS secretary should facilitate
the development and deployment of a national
workforce of community health workers. Evi-
dence suggests that such a program could reduce
disparities, improve health outcomes, and lower
health care spending.53–55 This workforce could
also aid in pandemic response (for example, con-
tact tracing) and support insurance education
and enrollment. Outside of the benefit to pa-
tients, it would provide valuable economic op-
portunity for the workers themselves, who
should be recruited from the historically disad-
vantaged communities they serve.
Governors could promote the development of

a high-value health care workforce by removing
barriers to affordable telehealth access. They
should, in collaboration with state licensing bod-
ies, formalize changes to state licensure laws
made during the COVID-19 pandemic that re-
duce or eliminate the barriers facing out-of-state
providers who wish to provide telehealth ser-
vices and coordinate care across state lines.

Conclusion
As 2021 begins, there is pressing need and op-
portunity to reform health care financing to bet-
ter support access, affordability, and equity. Any
effort at reform will occur amidst the COVID-19
pandemic, which has placed unprecedented
strain on policy makers and public institutions.
There will simply not be the same capacity or
appetite for sweeping regulatory changes that
would have been present in other circumstances.
Limited attention and resources will require dis-
ciplined prioritization and a willingness to ac-
cept incremental progress and small wins. Fur-
thermore, reforms will need to occur under
increasingly strained federal and state budgets.
Achieving meaningful change in this environ-
ment will require significant resolve from policy
makers and public support for difficult decisions
(forexample, lesscoveragefor low-valueservices
and technologies). We hope that the policy pri-
orities and recommendations articulated in this
commentary provide a focused starting point for
evidence-based policy making that supports a
more effective, efficient, and equitable health
system in the US. ▪

William Shrank reports equity holdings
in Humana and serving as a director at
GetWellNetwork. Nancy-Ann DeParle
(administrator of the Health Care
Financing Administration [HCFA], now
the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid
Services [CMS], from November 1997 to
September 2000) reports being a
director of CVS Health, HCA Healthcare,
Psychiatric Medical Care, and Sellers
Dorsey. Scott Gottlieb (commissioner of
the Food and Drug Administration from
2017 until April 2019) is affiliated with
New Enterprise Associates and CVS
Health and sits on the boards of Pfizer,
Illumina, Tempus, and Aetion. Sachin Jain
reports equity holdings in Anthem,

Merck, Blink Health, DataVant, Thrive,
Curisium, Valera, Firefly, and Vital and
serving as a director at Abode Hospice.
Peter Orszag (head of the Office of
Management and Budget from 2008
until July 2010) reports employment by
Bloomberg. Brian Powers reports
employment by Mass General Brigham,
prior employment by Anthem and
Fidelity Investments, and equity
holdings in Humana. He is the editor of
Healthcare: The Journal of Delivery
Science and Innovation (Elsevier). Gail
Wilensky (administrator of HCFA [now
CMS] from 1990 until 1992) is a
director for Quest Diagnostics Inc. and
UnitedHealth Group and a trustee for

the United Mineworkers of America
Combined Benefits Fund. The views
expressed in this article are those of
the authors and do not necessarily
reflect the position or policy of their
employers. This is an open access article
distributed in accordance with the terms
of the Creative Commons Attribution
(CC BY-NC-ND 4.0) license, which
permits others to distribute this work
provided the original work is properly
cited, not altered, and not used for
commercial purposes. See https://
creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/
4.0/. [Published online January 21, 2021.]

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NOTES

1 Kirzinger A, Kearney A, Brodie M.
KFF Health Tracking Poll—Febru-
ary 2020: health care in the 2020
election [Internet]. San Francisco
(CA): Henry J. Kaiser Family Foun-
dation; 2020 Feb 21 [cited 2020 Dec
3]. Available from: https://www.kff
.org/health-reform/poll-finding/kff-
health-tracking-poll-february-2020/

2 Dzau VJ, McClellan MB, McGinnis
JM, Finkelman EM, editors. Vital
directions for health and health care
[Internet]. Washington (DC): Na-
tional Academies Press; 2017 [cited
2020 Dec 3]. Available from: https://
nam.edu/wp-content/uploads/
2018/02/Vital-Directions-for-
Health-and-Health-Care-Final-
Publication-022718.pdf

3 Keehan SP, Cuckler GA, Poisal JA,
Sisko AM, Smith SD, Madison AJ,
et al. National health expenditure
projections, 2019–28: expected re-
bound in prices drives rising
spending growth. Health Aff
(Millwood). 2020;39(4):704–14

4 Sommers BD, Baicker K, Epstein
AM. Mortality and access to care
among adults after state Medicaid
expansions. N Engl J Med. 2012;
367(11):1025–34

5 Sommers BD, Maylone B, Blendon
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Health Care Finance

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2022.

Types of Health Systems

There are about 200 countries on the planet, only 40 of which adopt a formal system. Below is a list of the four

different types of health care models.

BEVERIDGE MODEL

Named after William Beveridge, the U.K. social reformer who helped create the National Health
System

Health care both paid for and provided by the government
Free at point of service
Financed through taxation – sometimes dedicated taxation, sometimes general tax revenues,

and sometimes both
Examples: United Kingdom, New Zealand, Spain, U.S. Veterans Health Administration

BISMARCK MODELBISMARCK

Named after Prussian Chancellor Bismarck
Health care paid for by non-profit insurance firms and provided by public and private actors
Financed by employees and employers, generally through payroll deductions; often

complemented by general tax revenues
Examples: Germany, France, Netherlands, Japan, Switzerland

NATIONAL HEALTH INSURANCE OR SINGLE-PAYER MODEL

Health care paid for by government-run insurance programs and provided by public and private
actors

Financed through taxation – sometimes dedicated taxation, sometimes general revenues, and
sometimes both

Examples: Canada (at a provincial level), South Korea, U.S. Medicare

OUT-OF-POCKET

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Health care paid for by consumers to public and private care providers
Little to no insurance coverage
This model is used by most low- and middle-income countries
Examples: Chad, India, Rwanda

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I N F O R M AT I O N F O R

High Level Overview of Major International Models

1

Specification Beveridge Model
National Health Insurance

Model
Bismarck Model “Out of Pocket”

Description National health service National health insurance Social health insurance model Market-driven health
care

Country
Examples

The United Kingdom, Ireland,
Denmark, Norway, Sweden,
Finland, Iceland, Australia**,
New Zealand, Cuba

Shifted from Bismarck Model
in the 70s/80s to this model:
Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain,
Italy; South Korea

Canada, Taiwan Austria, Germany, Belgium,
Japan, Switzerland, France, The
Netherlands

Market-Based Plans:
South Africa*, Uruguay,
The Bahamas, Chile,
Argentina

Minimal health plan
structures: Rural areas
of India; China, Sudan,
Nigeria; Cambodia

Similarities in
the US

Like the Veterans Health
Administration; Indian Health
Service

Like Medicare Like employer-based health care
plans and some aspects of
Medicaid

Like US market-based
health plans with
options limited for
uninsured or
underinsured

Historical
Points

Developed by Sir William
Beveridge in 1948, started in
the United Kingdom

Evolved as a mix of the
Beveridge and Bismarck
models

Developed at end of the 19th
century by Otto von Bismarck in
Germany

Has evolved in each
country considering its
wealth/structures

General
Structure

Government acts as the single
payer through the
establishment of a central
national health service that
delivers the care

• Publicly run insurance
program that every
citizen pays into

• Uses private sector
providers

• The universal insurance
does not deny claims

• De-centralized
• Employers and employees

fund “sickness funds”
created by compulsory
payroll deductions.

• Private insurance plans cover
everyone regardless of pre-
existing conditions

• Wealthier able to
purchase
commercially
offered insurance

• If no insurance
available or can’t
afford – patients
must pay for their
procedures out-of-
pocket.

Eligibility All legal citizens All legal citizens All legal citizens NA

High Level Overview of Major International Models

2

Specification Beveridge Model
National Health Insurance

Model
Bismarck Model “Out of Pocket”

Benefits • Access to a standardized
set of benefits available
across the country

• Evidence-based decision-
making in benefit
selection

• Medically necessary
defined federally, but
local decisions vary on
benefit package

• Evidence-based
decision-making

• Set by a federal committee
in collaboration with the
regional “sickness funds”

• Use evidence in decision
making

Varies

Costs • Free at point of service;
no out of pocket costs

• Government controls
prices

• Government
processes all claims;
aims to reduce the
amount of
duplication of
services

• Financial barriers to
treatment are
generally low

• Patients usually can
choose their
healthcare
providers

• Some copays in Germany for
nursing homes,
pharmaceuticals,
and medical aids

• Government tightly controls
prices while insurers do not
make a profit, even if more
than one health plan option

No cost controls in
place

Administration Central/national government
administration

Administered by provinces
and territories in Canada

De-centralized regional
administration with national role

NA

Delivery
System

• The government owns
majority of hospitals and
clinics

• Most doctors are
government employees

• Hospitals and providers
remain private

• Health providers are
generally private institutions

• Social health insurance funds
are considered public

• Majority are private
entities

• Some countries
have some public
investment in
hospitals

Health Plans Government run; eliminates
competition in the market

In some countries, can
purchase private insurance
for additional needs or in
substitution

Some with a single insurer
(France, Korea); other countries
may have multiple, competing
insurers (Germany, Czech

More availability of
health plans emerging;
if can afford

High Level Overview of Major International Models

3

Specification Beveridge Model
National Health Insurance

Model
Bismarck Model “Out of Pocket”

Republic) or multiple, non-
competing insurers (Japan).

Funding Income taxes Income taxes Payroll deductions Predominately self-pay
Additional
information

• Tighter cost controls than
Bismarck Model

• Waiting lists for obtaining
some services

• Overuse of services
• Maintain adequate tax

funding; especially in an
emergency crisis or rising
costs

• Standardized population
health-focused efforts on
prevention

• Sweden has some
features of a national
health service such as
hospitals run by county
government; but other
features of national
health insurance such as
physicians being paid on
an FFS basis

• See notes below re
Australia

• Waiting list to obtain
elective services, but
also for some
subspecialty care

• Aging population issue
• Some note overuse of

services

• Some countries have shifted
to move to include elements
of the Beveridge model (i.e.
Germany and Hungary)

• Can substitute private
insurance

• Higher rates of cost growth
noted than Beveridge model

• Can see overuse of services
• Some evidence of increased

satisfaction with de-
centralized administration
(by region)i

• Issue of increased retired
population to employed
citizens

• Payroll tax may impact
interest by international
companies to locate in the
country

Poorer citizens unable
to afford needed care

See notes below re
South Africa

Notes:

* South Africa is developing a Social Health Insurance Scheme through which all South Africans will be covered; providers are a mix of public and
private entities.

High Level Overview of Major International Models

4

**Australia: The federal government funds Medicare, a universal public health insurance program providing free or subsidized access to care for
Australian citizens, residents with a permanent visa, and New Zealand citizens following their enrollment in the program and confirmation of
identity. Restricted access is provided to citizens of certain other countries through formal agreements. Other visitors to Australia do not have
access to Medicare. Three levels of government are collectively responsible for providing universal health care: federal; state and territory; and
local. The federal government mainly provides funding and indirect support to the states and health professions, subsidizing primary care
providers through the Medicare Benefits Scheme (MBS) and the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS) and providing funds for state services. It
has only a limited role in direct service delivery. Australian states have most of the responsibility for public hospitals, ambulance services, public
dental care, community health services, and mental health care. They contribute their own funding in addition to that provided by federal
government. Local governments play a role in the delivery of community health and preventive health programs, such as immunization and the
regulation of food standards.

The table’s content is from several sources, including the following;

• Commonwealth Fund’s detailed profiles of several industrialized countries are available at:
https://international.commonwealthfund.org/

• John Hopkins overview of international models available at:
http://web.jhu.edu/administration/provost/docs/101014%20Minor%20Speech%20PP.pdf

• Oregon’s Universal Access to Care Work Group Meeting materials and Final Report December 2018 – Available at:
https://www.oregonlegislature.gov/salinas/HealthCareDocuments/UAC%20Work%20Group%20Report%20%20FINAL%2012.10.18%20.p
df

• Princeton University article on the Four Models: available at: https://pphr.princeton.edu/2017/12/02/unhealthy-health-care-a-cursory-
overview-of-major-health-care-systems/

o Concluding notes from Princeton article: “Each country faces different concerns when attempting to construct a system for
health care delivery. No health care system is completely alike, and none are completely free of problems; a method that works
for one country is not likely to be completely transferrable to another due to different health concerns, priorities, and mindsets.
Though complicated, considering the implications of various models is essential to implementing an American health care
system that is fair and just to all citizens, not just the wealthiest. Its construction should emerge from the collaboration between
policy experts, health providers, politicians, and other stakeholders to attempt to address the many complicated aspects of the
health insurance market”

High Level Overview of Major International Models

Specification

Beveridge Model

National Health Insurance Model

Bismarck Model

“Out of Pocket”

Description

National health service

National health insurance

Social health insurance model

Market-driven health care

Country Examples

The United Kingdom, Ireland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Iceland, Australia**, New Zealand, Cuba

Shifted from Bismarck Model in the 70s/80s to this model:

Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain, Italy; South Korea

Canada, Taiwan

Austria, Germany, Belgium, Japan, Switzerland, France, The Netherlands

Market-Based Plans:

South Africa*, Uruguay, The Bahamas, Chile, Argentina

Minimal health plan structures: Rural areas of India; China, Sudan, Nigeria; Cambodia

Similarities in the US

Like the Veterans Health Administration; Indian Health Service

Like Medicare

Like employer-based health care plans and some aspects of Medicaid

Like US market-based health plans with options limited for uninsured or underinsured

Historical Points

Developed by Sir William Beveridge in 1948, started in the United Kingdom

Evolved as a mix of the Beveridge and Bismarck models

Developed at end of the 19th century by Otto von Bismarck in Germany

Has evolved in each country considering its wealth/structures

General Structure

Government acts as the single payer through the establishment of a central national health service that delivers the care

· Publicly run insurance program that every citizen pays into

· Uses private sector providers

· The universal insurance does not deny claims

· De-centralized

· Employers and employees fund “sickness funds” created by compulsory payroll deductions.

· Private insurance plans cover everyone regardless of pre-existing conditions

· Wealthier able to purchase commercially offered insurance

· If no insurance available or can’t afford – patients must pay for their procedures out-of-pocket.

Eligibility

All legal citizens

All legal citizens

All legal citizens

NA

Benefits

· Access to a standardized set of benefits available across the country

· Evidence-based decision-making in benefit selection

· Medically necessary defined federally, but local decisions vary on benefit package

· Evidence-based decision-making

· Set by a federal committee in collaboration with the regional “sickness funds”

· Use evidence in decision making

Varies

Costs

· Free at point of service; no out of pocket costs

· Government controls prices

· Government processes all claims; aims to reduce the amount of duplication of services

· Financial barriers to treatment are generally low

· Patients usually can choose their healthcare providers

· Some copays in Germany for nursing homes, pharmaceuticals,

and medical aids

· Government tightly controls prices while insurers do not make a profit, even if more than one health plan option

No cost controls in place

Administration

Central/national government administration

Administered by provinces and territories in Canada

De-centralized regional administration with national role

NA

Delivery System

· The government owns majority of hospitals and clinics

· Most doctors are government employees

· Hospitals and providers remain private

·

· Health providers are generally private institutions

· Social health insurance funds are considered public

· Majority are private entities

· Some countries have some public investment in hospitals

Health Plans

Government run; eliminates competition in the market

In some countries, can purchase private insurance for additional needs or in substitution

Some with a single insurer (France, Korea); other countries may have multiple, competing insurers (Germany, Czech Republic) or multiple, non-competing insurers (Japan).

More availability of health plans emerging; if can afford

Funding

Income taxes

Income taxes

Payroll deductions

Predominately self-pay

Additional information

· Tighter cost controls than Bismarck Model

· Waiting lists for obtaining some services

· Overuse of services

· Maintain adequate tax funding; especially in an emergency crisis or rising costs

· Standardized population health-focused efforts on prevention

· Sweden has some features of a national health service such as hospitals run by county government; but other features of national health insurance such as physicians being paid on an FFS basis

· See notes below re Australia

· Waiting list to obtain elective services, but also for some subspecialty care

· Aging population issue

· Some note overuse of services

· Some countries have shifted to move to include elements of the Beveridge model (i.e. Germany and Hungary)

· Can substitute private insurance

· Higher rates of cost growth noted than Beveridge model

· Can see overuse of services

· Some evidence of increased satisfaction with de-centralized administration (by region)[endnoteRef:1] [1:
]

· Issue of increased retired population to employed citizens

· Payroll tax may impact interest by international companies to locate in the country

Poorer citizens unable to afford needed care

See notes below re South Africa

Notes:

* South Africa is developing a Social Health Insurance Scheme through which all South Africans will be covered; providers are a mix of public and private entities.

**Australia: The federal government funds Medicare, a universal public health insurance program providing free or subsidized access to care for Australian citizens, residents with a permanent visa, and New Zealand citizens following their enrollment in the program and confirmation of identity. Restricted access is provided to citizens of certain other countries through formal agreements. Other visitors to Australia do not have access to Medicare. Three levels of government are collectively responsible for providing universal health care: federal; state and territory; and local. The federal government mainly provides funding and indirect support to the states and health professions, subsidizing primary care providers through the Medicare Benefits Scheme (MBS) and the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS) and providing funds for state services. It has only a limited role in direct service delivery. Australian states have most of the responsibility for public hospitals, ambulance services, public dental care, community health services, and mental health care. They contribute their own funding in addition to that provided by federal government. Local governments play a role in the delivery of community health and preventive health programs, such as immunization and the regulation of food standards.

The table’s content is from several sources, including the following;

· Commonwealth Fund’s detailed profiles of several industrialized countries are available at: https://international.commonwealthfund.org/

· John Hopkins overview of international models available at: http://web.jhu.edu/administration/provost/docs/101014%20Minor%20Speech%20PP.pdf

· Oregon’s Universal Access to Care Work Group Meeting materials and Final Report December 2018 – Available at: https://www.oregonlegislature.gov/salinas/HealthCareDocuments/UAC%20Work%20Group%20Report%20%20FINAL%2012.10.18%20.pdf

· Princeton University article on the Four Models: available at: https://pphr.princeton.edu/2017/12/02/unhealthy-health-care-a-cursory-overview-of-major-health-care-systems/

· Concluding notes from Princeton article: “Each country faces different concerns when attempting to construct a system for health care delivery. No health care system is completely alike, and none are completely free of problems; a method that works for one country is not likely to be completely transferrable to another due to different health concerns, priorities, and mindsets. Though complicated, considering the implications of various models is essential to implementing an American health care system that is fair and just to all citizens, not just the wealthiest. Its construction should emerge from the collaboration between policy experts, health providers, politicians, and other stakeholders to attempt to address the many complicated aspects of the health insurance market”

2

CHAPTER 15

Public Health Insurance

OBJECTIVES

1. Identify the key policy goals of public health insurance plans.
2. Describe the Medicare and Medicaid programs in terms of

populations covered, services included, financing
arrangements, reimbursement strategies, and pro-
competition policies.

3. Explain some of the key issues surrounding public health
insurance.

4. Identify the key types of policies required for the delivery of a
public health insurance program and indicate their effect on
the achievement of social goals.

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15.1 Introduction

This chapter presents an economic framework that can be used to
analyze selected aspects of public health insurance coverage in
the United States. Health insurance coverage is a critical element
of the healthcare system, and public policies related to health
insurance influence the functioning of the healthcare market. In
this chapter, a discussion of how the economic framework can be
used to analyze policy choices, a discussion of policy goals in
relation to the economic framework, and an assessment of policy
choices in terms of the social objectives are provided.

In Section 15.2, an overview of public health insurance in the
United States is presented. The focus is on the Medicare and
Medicaid programs, two of the major national public health
insurance plans in the U.S. In Section 15.3, the issue of health
insurance coverage is discussed. In Section 15.4, information on
recent trends in public health insurance is presented. In Section
15.5, the social goals of Medicare are discussed. In Section 15.6,
a sample of solutions proposed in recent years is described and
discussion on how each solution contributes to or obstructs the
achievement of specific health policy goals is described. Section
15.7 considers alternatives to Medicaid as approaches to
addressing issues of inequity and access to needed healthcare
services.

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15.2 Public Health Insurance

Public health insurance in the United States for nonmilitary
populations involves two key programs aimed at specific target
populations. These are the federal Medicare program and the
state-federal Medicaid programs. The majority of states also
participate in Medicaid expansion. Some states also provide
additional public health insurance programs. Often these
additional state programs will be tied in some way to Medicaid, but
in some circumstances they are not. In this chapter, the focus is on
Medicare and Medicaid, including Medicaid expansion.

15.2.1 Medicare

15.2.1.1 Who Is Covered
Medicare is a national health insurance program for a subset of
the U.S. population. Medicare was established in 1965 under Title
XVIII of the Social Security Act and began coverage of
beneficiaries on January 1, 1966. Originally, Medicare covered
individuals 65 years of age or older, regardless of income or
medical history, as long as they or their spouse contributed to
Social Security for at least 10 years (40 quarters), Railroad
Retirement, or federal retirement programs. In 1972, Medicare
was expanded to cover individuals under 65 with certain
permanent disabilities or who had end-stage renal disease
(ESRD), the permanent failure of kidneys requiring dialysis or a
transplanted kidney. Medicare was again expanded in 2001 to
cover individuals with amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS, or Lou
Gehrig’s disease).

In 2019, Medicare covered about 64 million people of which 22
million, or almost 34%, were enrolled in Medicare Advantage
plans. Of the individuals covered by Medicare, about 85% were 65

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and older and 15% were disabled. Medicare covered about 18% of
the total population (Annual Report of the Boards of Trustees,
2019; Kaiser Family Foundation, 2019). Between 1966 and
2000, the population covered by Medicare doubled and is
projected to double again to about 80 million by 2030.

The population served is also diverse. For example, in 2017, about
55% of the beneficiaries were female, 75% were White, and 12%
were under 100% of the national poverty level and another 20%
were between 100% and 199% of the federal poverty level. As the
characteristics of the population change over time, the diversity of
the covered population will become more racially and ethnically
diverse. About 25% of beneficiaries reported only fair to poor
health in 2017, with disproportionate representation in the
nonelderly, Black, Hispanic, and lower-income populations. Also,
about 90% of noninstitutionalized Medicare beneficiaries have one
or more chronic illnesses, with 68% with two or more chronic
conditions, and 17% with six or more chronic conditions (CMS,
2018).

15.2.1.2 What Is Covered?
Medicare consists of four parts: Part A, Hospital Insurance; Part B,
Supplemental Medical Insurance; Part C, Medicare Advantage;
and Part D, Prescription Drugs. Each of these will be discussed in
more detail in the following paragraphs.

Part A, Hospital Insurance (HI), covers inpatient hospital services,
limited skilled-nursing facility services for rehabilitation, home
health care, and hospice services. Most individuals are
automatically eligible for Part A coverage if they are a U.S. citizen
or permanent resident, if they or their spouse are eligible for Social
Security payments, have made payroll tax contributions for 40
quarters (10 years), and are age 65 or older. These individuals are

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eligible regardless of income or asset level or any preexisting
medical condition.

Individuals under age 65 qualify for Medicare Part A if they have
received Social Security Disability Income (SSDI) payments for at
least 24 months; these individuals do not have to have made
payroll tax contributions for 40 quarters. In addition, people with
end-stage renal disease or Lou Gehrig’s disease are eligible for
Medicare as soon as they begin receiving SSDI payments.
Individuals age 65 and older not eligible (e.g., who have not
contributed to payroll tax for 40 quarters) can enroll in Part A by
paying a monthly premium.

Individuals who are eligible for Medicare Part A do not pay a
premium. Part A beneficiaries on original Medicare (not Medicare
Advantage) are responsible for a deductible before Medicare
begins to pay; in 2019, the Part A deductible was $1364 for each
episode or “spell of illness” for an in-hospital stay during the
benefit period. In addition, beneficiaries generally pay a
coinsurance amount for extended hospital stays (days 61–90) or
skilled-nursing facility stays (days 21–100). In 2019, the cost per
day of extended hospital stay was $341.04 for days 61–90 and
$682 for each lifetime reserve day after day 90 (up to 60 days over
the beneficiary’s lifetime). Beyond the lifetime reserve days the
beneficiary is responsible for all costs. For extended nursing
facility stay beneficiaries paid $175.50 per day for days 21–100,
and were responsible for all costs beyond 100 days. If an
individual is enrolled in a Medicare Advantage Plan, the rules may
differ, but the plan must provide at least the same coverage as
original Medicare.

If an individual has Part A (hospital insurance), then the individual
is eligible for hospice care. To qualify for hospice care, a physician
must certify that the individual is terminally ill with a life expectancy
of 6 months or less. And, the individual agrees to accept palliative

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care instead of curative care, and the individual signs a statement
choosing hospice instead of other Medicare-covered benefits to
treat the terminal illness and related conditions. Then, the
beneficiary pays nothing for hospice care. There may be a
copayment of 5 dollars for each prescription drug and other similar
products for pain relief and symptom control while at home. The
individual may, however, be required to pay 5% of the Medicare-
average amount for inpatient respite care. Respite care is short-
term inpatient care provided to the beneficiary in order to relieve
family members or other caregivers that are caring for the
beneficiary at home. It is reimbursed for no more than five
consecutive days per respite period. Medicare does not cover
room and board for hospice care in the home or other facility (like
a nursing home).

Part B, Supplementary Medical Insurance (SMI), Original
Medicare assists beneficiaries paying for medically necessary
physician services, outpatient services, home health services,
preventive services, ambulance services, clinical laboratory
services, durable medical equipment (DME), kidney supply and
services, outpatient, inpatient, and partial hospitalization for mental
health services, and diagnostic tests. In addition, it covers an
annual comprehensive wellness visit and personalized prevention
plan. Beneficiaries pay nothing for preventive services if the
provider accepts assignment. Assignment means that the provider
agrees (or is required by law) to accept the Medicare-approved
amount as full payment for covered services. Unlike Part A,
however, Part B is voluntary and beneficiaries are required to pay
a premium for the program (in 2019 the base premium was
$135.50 per month, and additional premium amounts were
charged for individuals with higher incomes).

About 95% of the rate of increase in the premium is limited to the
cost-of-living increase in Social Security benefits. Also, the

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premium paid is related to income; single individuals with an
income greater than $85,000, or couples filing separately with
income greater than $85,000, or couples with an income greater
than $170,000 in 2019 pay a higher premium, ranging from
$189.60 to $460.50 per month. Part B benefits are also subject to
annual deductibles ($185 in 2019) and a 20% coinsurance rate,
although the preventative services are exempt from the
coinsurance and deductible. Over 90% of eligible beneficiaries
enroll in Part B.

Part C, Medicare Advantage plans, are alternatives to the Original
Medicare plan. Part C allows beneficiaries to enroll in a private
plan, such as a health maintenance organization (HMO), preferred
provider organization (PPO) or a private fee-for-service plan with
specific characteristics, such as an accountable care organization.
These Medicare Advantage plans contract with Medicare and
must cover all of the medically necessary services that Original
Medicare covers, although Original Medicare still covers the cost
of hospice care, some new Medicare benefits, and some costs of
clinical research studies. In addition, most Medicare Advantage
plans offer coverage for items not covered under Original
Medicare, such as vision, hearing, dental, and some wellness
programs like gym memberships. Many of the plans cover other
health-related services that promote health and wellness. Most
include Medicare prescription drug (Part D) coverage. In addition
to the Part B plan, most plans charge an additional premium.

Part D, Outpatient Prescription Drug Benefit, is a relatively recent
addition to Medicare, implemented in 2006. It is an optional benefit
offered to all Medicare beneficiaries. If an individual does not
enroll in Part D when first eligible, then usually a late enrollment
penalty is required for the delayed enrollment, which is applied as
long as the individual is enrolled in the prescription drug coverage.
Private plans contract with Medicare to provide coverage to

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voluntarily enrolled beneficiaries. Beneficiaries enrolled in the plan
typically pay a monthly premium, and individuals with modest
income and assets are eligible for assistance. Beginning in 2011,
the health reform law establishes a new Part D premium program
similar to the Part B program and gradually phases in coverage of
the Part D coverage gap (the donut hole) by 2020. Beneficiaries
then pay 100% of drug costs until they have spent $4550 out-of-
pocket for prescriptions. Both original Medicare and Medicare
Advantage plans offer Part D coverage.

Each Part D drug plan under Medicare is required to provide at
least a standard level of coverage set by Medicare. Plans are
permitted to vary the list of prescription drugs they cover (their
formulary) and how they place drugs in two different “tiers” on their
formulary. These formularies cover both generic and brand-name
prescription drugs. The formularies are required to include at least
two drugs in the most commonly prescribed categories and
classes, but can select which specific drugs are covered.
Beginning in 2019, drug plans that meet certain requirements can
immediately remove brand-name drugs from the formularies and
replace them with new generic drugs or change the cost of
coverage rules for brand names when adding new generic drugs.
Table 15-1 provides information on the premiums for Part D
coverage in 2019. The additional paid above the plan’s premium is
paid directly to Medicare, and not to a Medicare Advantage plan.

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Table 15-1 Filing Status and Yearly Income in 2017*

Deductibles charged by plans vary across the plans, but the
maximum deductible in 2019 was $415. Some plans do not have a
deductible. Many plans also have a copayment per tier (a fixed
amount) or a coinsurance rate (percent of the cost of the drug) per
prescription.

15.2.1.3 Financing Medicare
The primary sources of Medicare funding are general revenues
(43%), payroll tax revenues (36%), and premiums (15%) paid by
beneficiaries. In addition, taxation of Social Security benefits (2%),
transfers from states (1%), and other sources, such as interest
(1%) also help fund Medicare.

Part A, the Hospital Insurance Trust Fund, receives funding
through a dedicated tax levied against earnings (88%). This tax
(2.9%) is paid equally by employers and employees (1.45% each),
with self-employed individuals paying both parts. Beginning in
2013, the health reform law increases the tax for higher-income
individuals (greater than $200,000 per individual and greater than
$250,000 per couple) to 2.35% from 1.45%. This tax is levied
against earnings (salary and wages), not total income. Part A
receives about 1% from premiums, 8% from taxation of Social
Security benefits, 2% from interest, and 1% from other sources.

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Part B, the Supplementary Medical Insurance Trust Fund, is
financed in part from general revenues (72%) and in part by
premiums (26%) paid by beneficiaries voluntarily enrolled in the
program. The goal is to have premiums to cover about 25% of the
costs of Part B, and general revenues cover about 75%, interest
and other sources cover approximately 1% each. Higher-income
individuals pay a larger share toward the premiums.

Part C, the Medicare Advantage program, is not separately
funded. It provides benefits under Parts A, B, and D and so
receives its funding through these sources.

Part D, the Prescription Drug program, receives funding from
general revenues (71%), premiums from beneficiaries (17%), and
state payments for dual eligible individuals (12%). The monthly
premiums from beneficiaries are established to cover 25.5% of the
costs of the standard plan and Medicare funds the other 74.5%.
As under Part B, higher-income individuals pay a larger share of
the coverage and therefore receive a smaller subsidy from
Medicare.

Financing the Medicare program continues to face a number of
challenges. These challenges include rising healthcare costs, a
population that continues to age, and a declining ratio of workers
contributing to the system to beneficiaries enrolled in the program.
Efforts to control the costs of Medicare remain a federal priority
because it accounted for about 15% of the total federal budget in
2018 and is projected to increase to 18% in 2029 (Cubanski,
Neuman, & Freed, 2019; Potetz, Cubanski, & Neuman, 2011).

15.2.1.4 Paying Providers
Except for Medicare Advantage (Part C) arrangements, Medicare
pays most providers on a fee-for-service basis, with bundling of
services occurring under the hospital prospective payment system
with MS-DRGs. Physician fees include an aggregation of elements

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under the RBRVS system, and home health is paid a bundled,
capitated amount. Medicare has implemented a number of
programs to improve quality and control costs that will be
discussed later.

Medicare benefit payments totaled $731 billion in 2018, up from
$462 billion in 2008. During this period spending on Part A benefits
decreased from 50% to 41%, while Part B spending increased
from 39% to 46%. Spending on Part D increased from 11% to
13%. Medicare financed about 20% of total national healthcare
expenditures in 2017, with its share varying by the type of service.
For example, Medicare funded about 23% of the total spending on
physician services. The most rapidly growing service funded by
Medicare is prescription drugs, in which Medicare financed about
30% of national retail drug sales in 2017, compared to only 3% in
2005, the year prior to implementation of Part D. Hospitals
received about 25% of their funding from Medicare in 2017
(Cubanski, Neuman, & Freed, 2019).

Payments to Medicare Advantage plans have increased
substantially in recent years as more and more beneficiaries have
elected to enroll in these plans instead of Original Medicare. In
2018, 34% of Medicare beneficiaries were enrolled in Medicare
Advantage plans. Payments to Medicare Advantage plans for
Parts A and B benefits increased from $99 billion (21%) in $2008
to $233 billion (32%) in 2018. Total Part D benefit payments
increased from $49 billion (11%) in 2008 to $95 billion (13%) in
2018.

Medicare has experienced slower growth in spending in recent
years, mainly because of the implementation of the Patient
Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA) and the Budget Control
Act (BCA) of 2011. The ACA introduced system reforms to
improve efficiency and quality of patient care and reduce costs.
These reforms included Accountable Care Organizations (ACOs),

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medical homes, bundled payments, and value-based purchasing
initiatives. The ACA also included reductions in payments to plans
and providers. The BCA, through sequestration, reduced
payments to providers and plans by 2% beginning in 2013. And
while Medicare has seen an increase in enrollment as the “baby
boomer” generation begins to age into the Medicare program,
these individuals tend to help lower the average age of the
Medicare population and are healthier (Cubanski, Neuman, &
Freed, 2019).

15.2.1.5 Supplemental Insurance Coverage
Because of the risk of substantial out-of-pocket costs to Medicare
beneficiaries through deductibles, coinsurance, and uncovered
services, about 90% of Medicare beneficiaries have purchased
supplemental insurance coverage (a.k.a. Medigap plans). This
supplemental coverage takes several forms, but the goal is to
assist the beneficiaries in covering the relatively high cost-sharing
expenses of Medicare and also to cover benefits that Medicare
does not cover currently. While traditionally the primary source of
supplemental coverage was employer-sponsored benefits, large
employers offering retiree health benefits have declined
substantially due to rising costs and the economic environment.
However, the number of beneficiaries enrolled in Medicare
Advantage plans has been increasing, and the additional coverage
offered by these plans has helped to cushion some of these
changes.

Another source of supplemental coverage comes from state
Medicaid programs, which provide some assistance to low-income
Medicare beneficiaries who also have modest assets. The
Medicaid programs often pay the Parts B and D premiums for
these eligible beneficiaries to ensure they have coverage under
these voluntary programs. Medicaid may also pay premiums for
individuals who don’t qualify for subsidized enrollment but are

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eligible to pay premiums to join the program. More about these
“dual-eligible” beneficiaries will be provided in the Medicaid
section.

Medicare beneficiaries also have the ability to purchase
supplemental private insurance plans, usually called Medigap
plans. These Medigap policies help cover the cost-sharing
requirements of Medicare and fill in the gaps in the benefits. These
policies are designed to cover the deductibles, coinsurance, and
copayments associated with Medicare-covered services. While
these plans reduce financial burdens to the beneficiaries, they do
reduce the typical incentives associated with having beneficiaries
retain some financial responsibility, impacting the price
consciousness of consumers. In general, these Medigap policies
must conform to 1 of 10 standard benefit packages. Each of these
packages offers coverage of a different set of benefits from which
the beneficiaries can select. The monthly premium charged varies
by the benefits covered, the insurer, the age of the beneficiary, and
the place of residence. Beginning in 2020, Medigap plans
purchased by new Medicare enrollees will not be allowed to cover
the Part B deductible.

Some beneficiaries enroll in multiple supplementary plans to
provide more complete coverage of medical expenses. Even with
all these supplemental policies, many Medicare beneficiaries still
experience substantial out-of-pocket expenses. For example,
Medicare beneficiaries spent over 14% of their income out-of-
pocket for health care in 2013, and that percentage has been
increasing with economic conditions and changes in premiums
and services covered. In 2013, one-fourth of Original Medicare
enrollees spent about 30% of their income on out-of-pocket cost,
even with Medigap coverage. As out-of-pocket costs increase,
Medicare beneficiaries face additional challenges to maintaining
daily necessities. As cost-sharing increases, more Medicare

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beneficiaries may have to choose between basic necessities and
health care, with the results being adversely impacted health.

15.2.2 Medicaid

15.2.2.1 Who Is Covered?
Medicaid is another public insurance program. Medicaid was
established in 1965 as part of the “Great Society” program under
Title XIX of the Social Security Act; it was implemented as of July
1, 1966. Medicaid was established as an entitlement program to
provide financial assistance for healthcare services and long-term
care services for certain low-income individuals and families who
were receiving cash assistance (welfare recipients). However,
since its beginning, it has been expanded to increase eligibility to
cover additional individuals living below or near the poverty level.
Today, Medicaid covers both working and jobless families and
children, pregnant women, individuals with a variety of physical
and mental conditions, and elderly individuals. The role of
Medicaid has expanded substantially under health reform.

Unlike Medicare, which is a federal program operated under
guidelines established by the Social Security Administration and
administered through the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid
Services (CMS), Medicaid is a state-federal partnership program.
The administration of Medicaid is at the state level, according to
federal requirements. Medicaid participation by states is voluntary,
although all states currently participate in the original Medicaid
program, and it is financed jointly by federal and state
governments, with the federal government “matching” dollars
expended by the states. The federal match rate (Federal Medical
Assistance Percentage, or FMAP) to the states varies and is
based on average state per capita income relative to the national
average. By law, FMAP is at least 50% (meaning that for every
dollar the state spends on Medicaid, the federal government will

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provide another dollar for Medicaid services) and reached as high
as 74.94% for the fiscal year 2020. The higher the FMAP, the
greater the percentage of total Medicaid costs that are financed by
the federal government.

In 2009, the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act
temporarily increased the FMAP, and for 2010, the FMAP ranged
from 50% to 85%. This increased the federal share of total
Medicaid spending in 2010 from 57% to 66%, enabling states to
cover additional individuals due to the economic conditions.

Because most private insurance is obtained through place of
employment, when individuals lose employment, they also usually
lose insurance coverage. The expansion in Medicaid during the
period covered by the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act
was designed to provide financial assistance to individuals until
they became reemployed and began receiving insurance coverage
again (Doty, Collins, Robertson, & Garber, 2011).

Under the partnership, Medicaid is administered by the states
under broad federal guidelines and oversight by CMS. The broad
federal guidelines enable states to exercise considerable variation
in the design of their programs. While state participation in
Medicaid is voluntary, currently all states participate. The federal
government defines minimum requirements that states must meet,
but the states have broad authority to establish eligibility criteria,
benefits covered, provider payments, delivery systems, and a
number of other conditions for their program. As a result, the
percentage of the population covered across states varies widely.

In addition, states may request a waiver from the federal
government, enabling them to design and operate their program
outside the federal guidelines. A typical reason for requesting a
waiver is to adopt a new model of coverage and delivery system
for their low-income population. The waiver capability and the
inherent flexibility of the Medicaid program have enabled states to

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adapt and evolve to meet the needs of their populations better.
States can adjust more quickly to changing economic conditions or
medical conditions (such as the HIV/AIDS pandemic) to coordinate
and manage the health of their populations. The flexibility also
means that there is substantial diversity in who is covered across
the states.

In general terms, not only must an individual qualify based on
financial criteria, but the individual must also belong to a group
designated as “categorically” eligible for coverage. The federal
government mandates that pregnant women and children under 6
with family incomes less than 133% of the federal poverty level
(FPL) be covered. In addition, children age 6–18 with family
income below 100% of the FPL must be covered, as must parents
below states’ 1996 welfare eligibility levels. Most elderly
populations and individuals with disabilities and on SSI must also
be covered. States do, however, have flexibility in determining
what counts as income for the program, with most states including
assets in the measure. In addition to the minimum mandatory
groups, states have the option of expanding coverage to additional
groups. These optional groups covered typically extend the upper
income levels for covered groups.

Medicaid is an entitlement program. Once a state has established
the eligibility criteria for its Medicaid program, then all individuals in
the state meeting the criteria have a federal right to Medicaid
coverage; the individuals are entitled to coverage, and enrollment
cannot be limited by the state, nor can waiting lists be applied.
One federal criterion is that individuals must be American citizens
or specific categories of lawfully residing immigrants who have
resided in the United States for 5 years.

Medicaid is currently core to the financing structure of the U.S.
healthcare system and expanded substantially under health
reform. Currently, more children are covered under Medicaid than

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any other source. Also, the majority of adults who are covered
under Medicaid are in working families, holding low-paying jobs
without access to employer-based health insurance. Many
nonelderly individuals with disabilities unable to obtain coverage in
the private market or for whom the coverage available does not
meet all their needs, rely on Medicaid. Medicaid also covers
pregnant women, with about 40% of all births occurring to
Medicaid mothers.

Another group of enrollees in Medicaid are the low-income
individuals on Medicare, the “dual-eligible” individuals. In 2017,
there were 12 million individuals dually enrolled. The dual-eligible
populations are poorer than the other Medicare populations and
also tend to have poorer health, with higher rates of chronic
illness, require more long-term care needs, and have greater
social risk factors. In 2017, 41% of the dually enrolled individuals
had at least one mental health diagnosis.

About one in six Medicare beneficiaries are also enrolled in
Medicaid, which assists enrollees in paying their premiums for
Parts B and D, cover the cost-sharing obligations of Medicare, and
cover services not covered under Medicare, especially custodial
long-term care in nursing facilities. Because of poorer health and
services needed, these individuals place greater financial strain on
the Medicaid program than the typical Medicaid recipient.
Typically, Medicare pays for covered services first, with Medicaid
the payer of last resort. Medicaid may also pay for services
Medicare does not cover and will pay the premium for those
individuals to enroll in Medicare Parts B and D plans.

In 1997, the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP) was
created under Title XXI of the Social Security Act. CHIP is another
insurance program that provides federal matching funds to states
to provide health coverage to children in families that have
incomes that are too high to allow them to qualify for Medicaid but

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do not have sufficient income to enable them to purchase private
health insurance coverage. CHIP allowed states substantial
flexibility in the expansion of insurance coverage of children, but
every state now covers children and families to at least 200% of
the federal poverty level.

This program can either be included with the state’s Medicaid
program or established as an independent program or as a
combination. The independent design allows states more flexibility
and requires states to describe the characteristics of their program
in a state health plan. If the state includes CHIP in their Medicaid
program, then the same rules apply as to other recipients,
although eligibility is extended to higher-income individuals. As
eligibility for coverage became more expansive, concerns were
raised that the public insurance program would “crowd out” private
insurance coverage. The concern was that the lower, subsidized
premium of CHIP would cause parents to drop dependent children
from their private insurance plan and enroll them in the public
program.

The goal of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) was to reduce the
number of uninsured individuals in the United States by providing
a number of affordable care options through Medicaid and the
health insurance marketplace. The ACA authorized states to
expand Medicaid eligibility if they wished to enroll individuals
under 65 and families with incomes below 138% of the federal
poverty level (FPL). It also standardized the rules for determining
eligibility and providing benefits through Medicaid, CHIP, and the
health insurance marketplace. In June 2012, the Supreme Court
ruled that participation by states to expand Medicaid coverage had
to be voluntary.

Under Medicaid expansion, the cost-share of the new enrollees
covered was financed 100% by the federal government for the
years 2014 through 2017, and then gradually declining until it

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reached 90% federal share in 2022 and beyond. This federal
share percent is much more generous than the 50%–75%
(averaging 57%) for existing Medicaid expenditures. As of 2019,
14 states were still not participating in Medicaid expansion.

Even with the expanded coverage under Medicaid, there are still
groups, or categories, of individuals who are not eligible for
Medicaid, regardless of income level. Low income is a necessary
condition but not a sufficient condition for coverage. One group of
the uninsured is the parents of children who are on Medicaid
because the income requirements are more restrictive for adults
than for children. Another group is adults without dependent
children, who no matter how low their income is, unless they are
pregnant or disabled, do not qualify for Medicaid. This latter group
was the primary focus of the Medicaid expansion program. Most
states do not cover lawfully resident immigrants during their first 5
years in the United States. Federal law prohibits undocumented
immigrants from being covered by Medicaid.

15.2.2.2 What Is Covered?
Medicaid covers a broad array of services, both mandatory and
optional. The federal government mandates each state offer a
specific set of services in order to participate in the program. The
federal government also allows states to cover additional optional
services under the Medicaid allowable services. These optional
services qualify for the same federal match as the mandated
services. The specific optional services covered vary across
states.

Because of the rather diverse needs of the Medicaid population,
not only are the typical benefits covered under private insurance
provided, but Medicaid programs also typically cover dental,
vision, transportation, translation services, and long-term care
services and support. Table 15-2 provides a list of mandatory

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services as well as typical optional services covered. States
employ a number of strategies to limit utilization of services, such
as concurrent and retrospective utilization review, prior
authorization, restrictive definitions of medical necessity, and case
management, especially for high-risk/high-cost cases.

Table 15-2 Services Covered by Medicaid Programs

Mandatory Services
Commonly Offered Optional
Services

Inpatient hospital services Prescription drugs

Outpatient hospital services Clinic services

Early and periodic screening, diagnostic, and

treatment (EPSDT) services for individuals under 21

years of age

Physical therapy

Nursing facility services Occupational therapy

Home health services Speech, hearing, and language

disorder services

Physician services Respiratory care services

Rural health clinic services Other diagnostic, screening,

preventive, and rehabilitative

services

Federally qualified health center services Podiatry services

Laboratory and X-ray services Optometry services

Family planning services Dental services

Nurse midwife services TB-related services

Certified pediatric and family nurse practitioner

services

Dentures

Freestanding birth center services (when licenses or

otherwise recognized by the state)

Prosthetics

Transportation to medical care Eyeglasses

Tobacco cessation counseling for pregnant women Chiropractic services

Tobacco cessation, Other practitioner services

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www.governing.com/news/state/gov-Study-
Medicaid-Anti-Smoking-Programs-Lead-to-
Significant-Savings.html

Private duty nursing services

Personal care

Hospice

Case management

Services for individuals age 65

or older in an Institution for

Mental Disease (IMD)

Services in an intermediate

care facility for the mentally

retarded

State plan home-and-

community based services

1915(i)

Self-directed personal

assistance services 1915(i)

Community first choice option

1915(k)

Inpatient psychiatric services

for individuals under age 21

Health homes for enrollees with

chronic conditions—Section

1945

Other services approved by the

secretary*

*This includes services furnished in a religious nonmedical healthcare institution,
inpatient psychiatric services for individuals under age 21, emergency hospital services

by a non-Medicare certified hospital, and critical access hospital (CAH).

Mandatory & Optional Medicaid Benefits. Retrieved from

https://www.medicaid.gov/medicaid/benefits/list-of-benefits/index.html

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For children under 21, the mandatory coverage of Early and
Periodic Screening, Diagnostic, and Treatment (EPSDT) benefit
provides a very comprehensive set of services to correct or
ameliorate acute and chronic physical and mental health
conditions. The services covered under the EPSDT benefit are
broader than most private insurance plans and are especially
important for children with disabilities.

Also not widely provided under private health insurance are the
long-term services and support provided under Medicaid, although
individuals can purchase long-term care policies privately.
Medicaid includes services provided in skilled and intermediate-
level nursing homes, as well as such community-based services
as home health, rehabilitation therapy, medical equipment, adult
daycare, and respite care for caregivers, to enable individuals to
live as independently as possible. Medicaid is the largest public
payer of mental health care, and Medicaid also covers about two-
thirds of all nursing home residents and about 40% of individuals
with HIV.

15.2.2.3 Financing Medicaid
The federal-state partnership organizational structure of Medicaid
results in financing also shared between the two. There is a
statutory formula that dictates how the federal government
matches the spending of each state. The federal match rate,
FMAP, is based on a state’s per capita income relative to the
national average—the lower a state’s per capita income, the
higher the rate paid by the federal government. There is not a limit
on total Medicaid expenditures, but expenditures are limited by the
ability of the state to generate its share of the expenses. This
creates a barrier for many states that are required to balance their
budgets, because states must first spend the Medicaid monies
paying providers and then get reimbursed retrospectively from the
federal government for their share.

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The Basic Health Program was part of the ACA and provides
states an option to establish health benefit programs for low-
income residents who would otherwise be eligible to purchase
coverage through the health insurance marketplace. The Basic
Health Program is designed to provide affordable coverage and
better continuity of care for people whose income fluctuates above
and below Medicaid and CHIP levels. States may offer coverage
to individuals with incomes between 133% and 200% of the
federal poverty level.

For most states, Medicaid is the largest source of federal revenue
for the state, while it tends to be the second-largest sector of a
state’s budget, behind education. Because most states must
balance their budgets, generating revenue to support Medicaid
can be difficult, especially in economic downturns, when state
revenues decline while the enrollment in Medicaid increases.
However, because increased Medicaid spending by the state
results in an influx of federal dollars, it increases the multiplier
effect of those dollars, as businesses and residents generate
successive rounds of earnings and purchases. This influx of
federal dollars into the state’s economy provides an incentive for
states to focus on health care and not necessarily reduce
coverage of their populations, although states are forced to control
costs to balance their budget.

15.2.3 Paying the Providers

15.2.3.1 Fee-For-Service
There are two generic types of healthcare financial coverage for
providers under Medicare: fee-for-service and per capita (or
capitation) payment, although recently Medicare has implemented
a blended strategy combining the two types of payment. In the fee-
for-service plan, the Medicare program sets prices for individual
patient contacts or encounters. Medicare has developed systems

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for classifying services of providers for most types of care
supplied; these systems now include inpatient hospitalization,
outpatient care, home care, and skilled-nursing facility care. Any
classification system can divide cases or patients into groups of
patients or encounters; the patients within each group are
assumed to use a similar amount of resources. Each group is
assigned a relative weight, and a dollar value is assigned to a
weighted unit. Medicare adjusts the monetary prices for a variety
of factors, including whether the provider is in an urban or rural
area, area wage and cost-of-living levels, and provider
characteristics (e.g., teaching versus nonteaching units). The
result is a complex array of prices that are being paid for patients
with the same diagnosis.

The inpatient hospital stays under Medicare Part A are paid a
prospectively set rate and the payments system is referred to as
the inpatient prospective payment system (IPPS). Under IPPS,
hospitals are paid according to the Medicare Severity Diagnosis
Related Group (MS-DRG) system. The original DRG system was
implemented in 1983, with 467 DRGs; the system was modified to
incorporate the severity of cases within the DRGs in 2007, with
over 700 groups established. In 2019 there were over 750 groups
established. Each group is assigned a basic weighted rate that is
then multiplied by the conversion rate to obtain the amount paid
for patients hospitalized in that group. The group reflects the
average resources used to treat Medicare patients in that MS-
DRG.

This payment rate is divided into two components: labor-related
and nonlabor-related, with proportions based on the wage index.
In defining the service area of hospitals to be used in the labor-
related adjustment, a commuting ratio of workers commuting from
home to work is used in defining the hospital’s labor market. For
2020, the base rate was $5654.75 per admission. If the wage

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index was greater than one, then the labor share accounted for
68.3% of the relative weight, or $3862.19 per unit, and the
nonlabor share accounted for 31.7%, or $1792.56 per unit. If the
wage index was equal to or less than one, then the labor share
was 62.0%, or $3505.95 per unit, and the nonlabor share was
38.0%, or $2148.80 per unit. These base rates are multiplied by
the relative weight of the MS-DRG to obtain the amount the
hospital will receive for a patient hospitalized with that diagnosis.

Under programs established by the ACA, additional adjustments to
the labor and nonlabor wage index numbers are made. For
hospitals that submitted quality data and were a meaningful user
of an electronic health record (EHR) then the amounts they were
paid for the labor and nonlabor wage index components were
increased by 2.2%. If the hospitals submitted quality data but were
not a meaningful user of an EHR, their amounts were increased by
0.35%. If the hospitals did not submit quality data but were a
meaningful EHR user, the amounts were increased by 1.85%. For
hospitals that did not submit quality data and were not a
meaningful user of an EHR, their amounts were decreased by
0.4%.

Hospitals may receive an add-on payment to the base payment if
they treat a high percentage of low-income patients, known as the
disproportionate share hospital (DSH) adjustment. The ACA
modified how hospitals are reimbursed for serving a
disproportionate share of low-income patients. Beginning in FY
2014, hospitals receive 25% of the amount they previously would
have received under the current statutory formulas for Medicare
DSH. The remaining 75% of what would have been paid as
Medicare DSH becomes available for uncompensated care
payments after the amount is reduced for changes in the
percentage of individuals that are uninsured in the hospital’s
service area.

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If a hospital is an approved teaching hospital, then it receives an
indirect medical education (IME) adjustment percentage add-on
payment. This rate depends upon the ratio of residents-to-beds for
operating costs and on the ratio of residents to average daily
census for capital costs.

The final adjustment is made for unusually costly patients—the
outlier adjustment. This adjustment is designed to protect hospitals
from unusually expensive cases. The total payment hospitals
receive for a patient in a MS-DRG then, reflects the base payment
plus DSH adjustment, plus IME adjustment, plus outlier
adjustment (see
https://www.cms.gov/AcuteInpatientPPS/01_overview.asp#TopOfPage).
Hospitals can also receive additional payments for treating
patients with certain new expensive technologies under the capital
payment rate. For 2020 the national rate was $462.61.

The IPPS payment to hospitals is also adjusted for the hospitals
participating in the value-based purchasing (VBP) program, the
hospital readmission reduction program (HRRP), and the hospital-
acquired conditions (HAC) reduction program. The hospital’s VBP
can result in the rate being adjusted upward, downward, or
remaining neutral based on the performance on a set of quality
measures. The VBP program provides incentive payments to
participating hospitals that exceed performance standards and/or
improve performance during the period. Beginning in 2017 the
reduction to base operating MS-DRG payment amounts
decreased by 2.0% for those hospitals not meeting the standards.

The HRRP allows an adjustment to the base payment to hospitals
to account for excessive readmissions for the conditions of acute
myocardial infarction, heart failure, pneumonia, chronic obstructive
pulmonary disease (COPD), total hip/knee arthroplasty, and
coronary artery bypass graft surgery (CABG). Hospitals ranking in
the lowest performing hospital-acquired conditions (HAC)

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reduction program quartile will receive payment equal to 99% of
what the IPPS would normally pay the hospital.

Medicare has also implemented a prospective payment system for
post-acute home care. A classification system was developed that
is based on the patient’s diagnosis, clinical factors, functional
factors, and on therapeutic needs (physical therapy [PT], speech-
language pathology therapy [SLP], and occupational therapy
[OT]), medical social services, routine and nonroutine medical
supplies, and home health services (Liu, Gage, Harvell,
Stevenson, & Brennan, 1999; Medicare Learning Network,
2018). As with inpatient care, a weight is assigned to each group
in the class, and a price per weighted unit is set. There were 153
case-mix groups in 2018 and the rate is established to cover a 60-
day period. The Medicare home care payment system replaced a
system by which home care providers billed for individual services.
It thus represents a bundling of services, in comparison with the
payment system prior to 1999, when the prospective payment
system was introduced. The price includes a wage adjustment
factor. Outliers are also permitted for additional payment. The ACA
places an limit on home health services so that no more than 1%
of a home health agency’s (HHA’s) total payments are paid as
outliers.

Unlike hospital and home care reimbursement, the payment for
physicians under Medicare remains on an individual service basis.
Physicians are paid by fee category, called Current Procedural
Terminology (CPT). There are over 10,000 CPT codes currently.
Each service is assigned a weight; currently, the weighting system
is called the Resource-Based Relative Value System (RBRVS).
The RBRVS contains separate component weights that reflect
work performed, practice expenses, liability insurance, and
regional cost variations. A dollar value is assigned by Medicare,
which converts the resource-based weights to dollar payments. In

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2019, this conversion figure was $36.0391. CMS has established
89 physician fee schedule (PFS) localities reflecting geographical
cost variation to adjust the payment rates for physicians.

15.2.3.2 Additional ACA Programs
In July 2014, the Medicaid Innovation Accelerator Program (IAP)
began. This program is a collaboration between the Center for
Medicaid and CHIP Services (CMCS) and the Center for Medicare
and Medicaid Innovation (CMMI). Under this program, support is
provided to state Medicaid agencies to build capacity in key
program functional areas by offering targeted technical support,
tool development, and cross-state learning opportunities. The
programs in which technical support is being offered include:
reducing substance use disorder; improving care for Medicaid
beneficiaries with complex care needs and high cost; promoting
community integration through long-term services and supports;
and supporting physical and mental health integration. IAP also
works with states through its functional areas for Medicaid delivery
system reform: data analytics, performance improvement, quality
measurement, and value-based payment of financial simulations.

Another feature of the ACA was the creation of the Health
Insurance Marketplace, also known as the Health Insurance
Exchange program. The health insurance marketplace program is
a service that helps people shop for and enroll in affordable health
insurance. These are plans offered by private insurance
companies with a range of prices and features accessed through
the federal government, although some states operate their own
program. Individuals who qualify may be eligible for a premium tax
credit and other savings that would lower monthly insurance bills
and allow extra savings for out-of-pocket costs like deductibles,
coinsurance, and copayments. The premiums under the health
insurance marketplace program are based on estimated income of
the enrollee.

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Under the Medicare Shared Savings Program providers that
participate in an Accountable Care Organization (ACO) continue to
receive traditional Medicare fee-for-service payments under Parts
A and B. However, the ACO may be eligible to receive a shared
savings payment if it meets specified quality and savings
requirements. This program was a one-sided program in that the
ACOs could receive bonus payments, but were not at risk for
excess costs. Under the new Pathways to Success Program the
direction of the shared savings program is redesigned to
encourage participating ACOs to transition to a two-sided model.
Under this new model, ACOs continue to be able to share in
savings, but are now accountable for repaying shared losses.

The objectives of the Pathways to Success Program are to:
increase savings for the Trust Fund and mitigate losses, reduce
gaming opportunities, promote flexible regulatory requirements,
and promote free-market principles. Under this program, CMS
introduced additional access to telehealth services provided in a
patient’s place of residence (home or long-term care facility). Also,
the ACO can offer new incentive payments to beneficiaries for
taking steps to achieve better health. For the ACOs taking on the
risk for spending increases above the cost targets, they are held
responsible for paying back to CMS up to at least 2% of the
revenue or 1% of their cost targets. In return for accepting the risk,
they are eligible for higher levels of shared savings.

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15.3 Uncovered Care

Despite the existence of Medicare, Medicaid, the Medicaid
expansion program, and the mandated health insurance
requirement, many individuals either have no health insurance
coverage at all or have large gaps in coverage. According to
estimates by the U.S. Bureau of the Census, 16.3% of all
individuals (about 49.9 million) had no insurance coverage in 2010
(DeNavas-Walt, Proctor, & Smith, 2011). In 2017, the number of
uninsured increased to 28.0 million from the 27.3 million in 2016,
still much lower than the 49.9 million in 2010 (Berchick, 2018).
Most uninsured individuals (84.6%) were 19–64 years of age. The
uninsured were disproportionately located in the south, where
participation in Medicaid expansion was low. The uninsured have
lower education and are more likely to live in poverty than the
insured population. Most uninsured have at least one individual in
the family working, which poses a problem because employment
is the usual route through which health insurance is obtained.

It should be pointed out that uninsured is not the same thing as
unserved. Many individuals with no insurance still receive medical
care: they either pay the full price for this care or receive
subsidized or charity care. What is likely, however, is that they
receive less care than they would if they had insurance coverage.

In addition to those with no coverage, a substantial number of
individuals have gaps in coverage. The Medicare deductibles and
copayments can add up to a substantial amount, and individuals
who are covered by Medicare but do not have additional private
(Medigap) or Medicaid coverage can, if they become ill, incur
substantial out-of-pocket costs. This is especially true for
individuals who need nursing home care. There is very little in the
way of long-term care insurance coverage at present, although

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private policies are available, and so individuals in nursing homes
(especially intermediate-care facilities) will be required to pay for
such care themselves, unless they “spend down” to the point at
which, if married, both incomes (less medical expenses) and their
assets are below the state Medicaid limits.

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15.4 Some Trends in Public Health
Insurance

In recent years, several public insurance trends have captured
interest in the public policy arena. In this section, these trends are
reviewed briefly.

15.4.1 Disbursements of the Hospital Insurance Trust
Fund
Medicare’s HI funding is tied to the growth of the portion of the
Social Security tax that is earmarked for the Hospital Insurance
Trust Fund. However, there is no automatic link between the
growth of trust fund revenues and the growth of fund expenditures,
which primarily go to reimburse hospitals (Iglehart, 1999;
Wolkstein, 1984). The revenues are based on a percentage of
payrolls and so cannot be increased by more than the increase in
payrolls, unless the Social Security tax rate is increased or, as
happened recently, the base on which the tax is levied is
increased (i.e., employment and wages have increased). In the
absence of such increases in tax revenues, large deficits in the
fund had been experienced, and until very recently, increasingly
large deficits had been predicted.

According to the 2018 Annual Report of the Board of Trustees of
the Federal Hospital Insurance and Federal Supplementary
Medical Insurance Trust Funds, expenditures from the HI Trust
Fund exceeded revenues by $1.8 billion. Deficits in the Trust Fund
are projected to continue, requiring redemption of Trust Fund
assets to pay expenditures. It is estimated that Trust Fund assets
will be depleted/exhausted in 2026.

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15.4.2 Medicare’s SMI Revenues and Expenditures
SMI funds come from two main sources: premiums paid directly by
the enrollees (or by Medicaid for those qualifying for Medicaid
coverage) for Parts B and D revenue funds and from general
revenue funds. Parts B and D are maintained in separate accounts
in the SMI. Originally, the premium rate for Part B was set so that
premium revenues of the SMI trust fund were one-half of all
revenues. From 1973, the growth of premiums was mandated to
be no greater than the growth of Social Security cash benefits. As
a result, since then, the premium share of total fund revenues in
Part B has fallen to about 30%. The nature of financing for both
Parts B and D is similar, with premiums and the transfer from
general revenues for each part established annually at a level
sufficient to cover the following year’s estimated expenditures.
Accordingly, each account within SMI is automatically financially
balanced each year. As in the case of the Hospital Insurance Trust
Fund, this growth in expenditures has been a major cause of
concern. However, unlike Hospital Insurance Trust Fund outlays,
Medical Insurance Trust Fund expenditures can be increased by
government appropriations.

According to the Trustee’s Report (2019), expenditures for Parts B
and D grew at an average annual rate of 6.6% and 3.6%,
respectively, over the past 5 years. Part B cost increases are
projected to grow at an annual rate of 8.3% and Part D costs are
projected to grow at an annual rate of 7.3% over the next 5 years.
A “hold harmless” provision does not allow Part B premium
increases to cause a beneficiary’s net Social Security benefits to
decrease, limiting the amount of revenue generated from
premiums.

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15.5 Goals of Medicare

In order to discover what the policy issues are with Medicare, the
social goals of Medicare need to be examined. It was relatively
recently that these goals were stated explicitly (Cutler, 2000; U.S.
General Accounting Office, 1999). Among these stated goals
were affordability, equity, adequacy, feasibility, and acceptance.
The definitions of these concepts given here are those of the U.S.
Government Accounting Office (GAO), which differ from the
standard economic definitions.

Affordability refers to the total costs incurred by the program.
When stating this goal, the GAO is referring to the public
component of the program and its burden on public spending.
Equity refers to the burden of payments on specific groups.
Individuals can be viewed as paying too much if they don’t have
sufficient coverage or if their premiums are too high. Individuals
can also be paying too little for premiums and copayments; with
low direct costs, they would be using too much care (from a strict
efficiency viewpoint). Adequacy refers to the availability of care.
Feasibility refers to the ability of Medicare to actually implement
changes in policy. Acceptance refers to the acceptability of the
program to consumers, intermediaries, and providers.

These goals bear some resemblance to the following very general
economic goals of health policy: economic efficiency (which has
demand, technical efficiency, and adequacy-of-supply aspects),
equity in utilization and equity in payment, quality of care, and
public expenditure control. The economic goal of public
expenditure control translates into the GAO goal of affordability.
The economic goal of equity of payment translates into the GAO
goal of equity. The economic goals of equity in utilization and
adequacy of supply translate into the GAO goal of adequacy. The

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economic goals of quality of care and technical efficiency are not
directly addressed in the GAO goals, although quality assurance
activities are a very important component of Medicare activities
(Medicare Payment Advisory Commission, 2000, 2019). The
GAO goals of feasibility and acceptance are not directly addressed
in the general economic goals.

In order to assess Medicare policies, Medicare performance must
be evaluated in light of the policy goals. The major issues facing
Medicare include rising expenditures, hospital trust-fund deficits,
and large out-of-pocket payments for some groups of
beneficiaries. These phenomena are related to the goals of
affordability, equity of payment, and adequacy of supply. Most
importantly, the goals may well conflict with each other (otherwise
there would not be an economic problem). In the late 1990s, the
Health Care Financing Administration (the agency that
administered Medicare at that time) and the Congress instituted a
series of reforms designed to address the goal achievement
balance under Medicare. The policy initiatives were Medicare Part
C and the Balanced Budget Act of 1997. In the following section,
an overview of the policies that are available to Medicare is
provided.

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15.6 Policy Alternatives for Medicare

15.6.1 Economic Analysis and Alternative Solutions
Six basic types of policies can be identified that can be used to
help achieve policy goals. The first set of policies deals with the
setting of the broad outline of the program. For example, Medicare
can change who is entitled to benefits or what benefits individuals
receive. The second set of policies deals with health insurance
premiums. Medicare can change Part B premiums, and it can
change the out-of-pocket price of supplementary private insurance
premiums. As well, Medicare can arrange for supplementary
coverage in other programs, such as Medicaid.

The third set deals with the direct price of care. Medicare can
change the deductibles and copayments paid by enrollees and, in
the process, impact the demand for care (subject, of course, to the
purchase of supplementary insurance). The fourth set deals with
provider reimbursement. Medicare can change the basis of
reimbursement. For example, home health care was formerly
funded on the basis of individual services. Most recently, Medicare
developed a home healthcare classification system that bundled
individual services within diagnostic and needs-based groups. In
addition to changing the definition of what output they will cover,
Medicare can change the rate of payment. Fifth, Medicare can
introduce competitive practices into its reimbursement mechanism.
It can fund care on the basis of vouchers, encouraging individuals
to shop around for their care. And sixth, Medicare can regulate the
behavior of providers (i.e., make them provide care based on
specific norms set by the program).

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15.6.2 The Scope of the Program
Currently, Medicare’s main line of business is to provide insurance
coverage for persons 65 years of age and older. In 1997,
Congress set up the Medicare Payment Advisory Commission to
make recommendations about policies that could affect the future
of Medicare. One of the policies recommended by the two
committee chairs was to increase the age of Medicare
beneficiaries to 67 to have it in line with the age requirement for
Social Security benefits. This proposal did not achieve policy
status, but it is an obvious way of changing the number of
beneficiaries in the system. One proposal intended to extend the
Medicaid mandate to Medicare was to provide prescription drug
insurance coverage (Davis, Poisal, Chulis, Zarabozo, & Cooper,
1999; Soumerai & Ross-Degnan, 1999). Prescription drug
coverage was implemented in 2006 with a wide variety of features,
including additional premiums, copayments and deductibles,
prescription limits, and so forth. Its inclusion added a new
dimension to the program, and administrative costs increased
considerably.

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15.6.3 Insurance Premiums
Individuals and groups have proposed policies that would both
increase and decrease health insurance premiums. Concern over
the growth in first-dollar coverage has led some observers to
propose a premium tax on Medigap policies. The introduction of
such a tax would raise the price of Medigap coverage and reduce
the amount of coverage purchased. The reduction in such
coverage would lead to a reduction in the use of medical services
in the short run.

There is a premium only for Parts B and D Medicare. The
premiums under Part C are set by the insurance plans in which the
beneficiaries are enrolled. About one-quarter of Part B revenues
come from this premium and the rest from general government
revenues. The Balanced Budget Act of 1997, which overhauled
Medicare’s finances, did not substantially increase the premium;
however, the premium is based on Social Security payments, and
as such payments increase, so will the Part B premium. In 2000,
the premium was $45.50 per month; by 2012, it increased to
$99.90 (or $115.40 for those not under the Social Security cap). In
2019, the base premium was $135.50, with individuals having
higher incomes paying between $54.10 and $325.00 more per
month. An increase in the premium influences the goal of equity in
payment.

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15.6.4 Copayments, Coinsurance, and Deductibles
Copayments, coinsurance, and deductibles serve to regulate
demand for covered healthcare services and to reduce
government expenditures. Coinsurance is fixed as a percentage of
medical charges, and it increases as charges rise. Copayments
and deductibles are based on usage and are not always
predictable. Individuals seek predictability by purchasing Medigap
insurance coverage, which pays for the copayments and
deductibles. The deductible in 2019 was $1364 for Part A and
$185 for Part B. There was also 20% coinsurance for Part B.
These payments have increased annually, but they have not been
a major part of Medicare’s cost-cutting plans. Higher copayments,
deductibles, and coinsurance reduce availability.

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15.6.5 Provider Payments
In 1983, Medicare began paying for inpatient hospitalization on a
DRG basis, and expanded to MS-DRG in 2007. A price is applied
to the MS-DRG weighted units to obtain a given price per
weighted unit, which is what the hospitals receive. Every year, this
price is increased by a given update factor in order to account for
inflation and technological change. The update factor is supposed
to cover changes in capital input prices, technology changes, and
any real changes in the case-mix factor. The Balanced Budget Act
of 1997 made changes to Medicare that were projected to result in
$116 billion in savings between 1998 and 2002. Two-thirds of
these savings were to come from limits in the update factors for
inpatient care (Moon, Gage, & Evans, 1997). For the first year,
there was a freeze on payment rates (Levit et al., 2000).

The Medicare Part A payment strategy also included a switch from
fee-for-service to prospective payment systems for home health
care and outpatient care. Classification systems have been
developed for home health care (Goldberg, Delargy, Schmitz,
Moore, & Wrobel, 1999) and outpatient care (Health Care
Financing Administration, 2000). Such systems are expected to
increase control over spending in these areas by Medicare. They
may also reduce availability.

15.6.6 Managed Care and Competition
In the original Medicare scheme for HMO coverage, the fees paid
to HMOs were based on total medical care expenditures per
beneficiary. Using the adjusted average per capita cost (AAPCC)
method of rate setting, fees were set at 95% of the total medical
costs for persons in the geographic area (usually the county).
Included in the rate was the enrollee’s Part B premium. The health
plan decided on any benefit package in excess of the standard
Medicare A and B coverage (e.g., whether to include drug
coverage), additional premiums (if any), and copayments for

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medical visits. The basic rate was risk-adjusted for age, gender,
eligibility for Medicaid supplemental coverage, and whether the
enrollee was institutionalized.

In 1998, Congress enacted a new Part C of Title XVIII of the Social
Security Act, creating the Medicare + Choice program. The
program had two new features. First, it created a blended national-
regional rate for the managed care premium. In this rate, Medicare
combined a national rate ($398 per month) with the county rates
(the old AAPCC rates). There was to be a floor below which no
county-specific rate would fall. This resulted in a severing of the
link between fee-for-service costs and managed care rates
(McClellan, 2000).

Second, Congress instituted a new risk-adjustment variable, called
the Principal Inpatient Diagnostic Cost Group (PIP-DCG).
According to the PIP-DCG, a patient who is hospitalized in the
previous year for a specific (serious) condition will fall into a higher
risk category, and the HMO will receive a higher rate adjustment
for this patient. The intent of these changes was to encourage
HMOs to establish programs in areas that are now poorly served
and to accept higher risk patients who have been hospitalized for
serious conditions. Other features of the Medicare risk system
remained. These include the variable benefits package, additional
premiums tied to the benefits package, and consumer premiums
and copayments.

In 2003, the Medicare Modernization Act renamed Medicare +
Choice to Medicare Advantage (MA). The focus of MA became
one of expanding access to private plans and providing additional
benefits to private plan enrollees rather than cost control. The
result is that Medicare pays more per enrollee in these plans than
it does per enrollee in the traditional Medicare plan. In 2010, the
Health Reform Act caused another shift by beginning to reduce
payments to MA plans in an effort to bring their costs back in line

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with the fee-for-service Medicare system. A bonus system was
also introduced into the MA program in which bonuses would be
paid according to quality ratings for the plan. In addition, by 2014,
the plans would be required to maintain a medical loss ratio of at
least 85%, limiting administrative expenses and profits to 15%. By
2018, 21.1 million beneficiaries were enrolled in the MA plans. In
electing to enroll in an MA, individuals are making the
determination that such a plan is best for them.

Medicare Advantage plans are paid a capitated amount to provide
all Parts A and B benefits. A separate amount is paid to cover Part
D. The rate paid is established in a bidding process based on
estimated costs per enrollee for covered services. All bids that
meet the necessary condition are accepted. The bids are
compared to a benchmark amount, and the benchmarks become
the maximum amount Medicare will pay a plan in a given area. If
the bid from a plan is higher than the benchmark, then enrollees
pay the difference in the form of a monthly premium. If it is lower,
the plan and Medicare split the difference. The plan’s share is
known as a rebate and must be used to offer supplemental
benefits to enrollees. Medicare’s payments to plans reflect the
enrollees’ risk profile. The 2010 health reform law reversed the
methodology for paying plans and reduced the benchmarks. The
amount of the rebate in the future will depend upon the quality
rating of the plan.

In the coming years, there will be many reform proposals seeking
to push Medicare toward becoming a competitive system. It is
questionable whether such reforms would solve the problems
associated with introducing managed care principles into the
Medicare program. Medicare enrollees still join HMOs individually
and have high and variable costs. The very significant incentive to
select healthier cases will remain as long as the risk-adjustment
tools do not permit the identification of high-risk individuals.

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As well, any attempt to regulate competitive practices will result in
an extremely complex set of rules. However, the set of rules may
not be any more complex than the set of current fee-for-service
rules, in which a multitude of prices and adjustments have been
introduced within a complicated regulatory framework. Further, the
definition and regulation of the basic product characteristics will
prove to be a daunting task. Medical care is a service with many
aspects, and the between-patient and between-provider
differences are very subtle.

A successful capitation program will better allow Medicare to
achieve a greater degree of control over public expenditures.
Competition should lead to a greater degree of efficiency in the
market. The achievement of the other social goals may be more
controversial. The ability of Medicare to ensure uniformly high-
quality services is still open to question. And the availability of care
may be hampered by the continual attempt by managed care
plans to enroll low-cost patients. Nevertheless, any system must
be judged by comparing it to other feasible systems. Currently,
fee-for-service is the alternative to Medicare Advantage. Fee-for-
service may perform better in terms of availability and quality of
care, but it is lacking in regard to the goals of efficiency and
expenditure control. In the end, the policy maker is faced with a
trade-off, and the choice of system will depend on the degree of
importance given to each of the social goals.

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15.7 Policy Alternatives for Medicaid

Medicaid programs are run by the states under federal
requirements and financed by states and the federal government.
Individual states have a great deal of discretion in the policies they
institute to govern the programs, which indeed exhibit substantial
variability. Part of this variability is due to the fact that Medicaid
serves several very different populations, including the poor aged,
poor families with dependent children, and the blind and disabled.

Medicaid’s problems are somewhat different from those of
Medicare. To begin with, there are a number of uninsured children
in the United States who are eligible for coverage under the
Accountable Care Act but who have not been enrolled for one
reason or another. In addition, there are many persons 65 years of
age and older who have low incomes but no supplementary
coverage and who are thus at risk for considerable out-of-pocket
expenditures. In 2018, about 15% of the Medicaid population was
65 years old and older and had joint Medicare-Medicaid coverage
(Berchick, Barnett, & Upton, 2019).

Until 1990, the growth in total expenditures for Medicaid was
moderate. However, beginning in 1990, following the expansion of
the program to cover children and women whose incomes were
above the poverty level but still low, the growth in expenditures
was substantial, although in 1996 and 1997, expenditure growth
leveled off. At its inception, the Medicaid program accounted for
2.9% of all national health expenditures. In 2017 state and federal
outlays for Medicaid totaled $581.9 billion, accounting for 16.7% of
the nation’s health expenditures.

15.7.1 Scope of the Program
Until 1987, only low-income women (under age 65 and not blind or
disabled) and their children who were receiving Aid to Families

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with Dependent Children (AFDC) payments were eligible for
Medicaid enrollment. The Medicaid program expanded eligibility in
1987 to include low-income women and children who were not on
the AFDC program. At their discretion, states could offer coverage
to families whose incomes reached 185% of the poverty level. This
expansion of coverage led to a rapid increase in Medicaid
enrollment and expenditures beginning in 1990 (Cutler & Gruber,
1996a, b). If states enrolled in the Medicaid expansion program,
then all individuals with incomes at or below 138% of the federal
poverty level are eligible for Medicaid. This increased the number
of individuals enrolled in Medicaid in those states, leaving a
substantial number of individuals uninsured in the states not
enrolling in Medicaid expansion.

Medicaid’s scope of coverage is very broad. It usually includes
outpatient drugs and dental care. Because the breadth of
coverage is wider than that for Medicare, Medicaid also enrolls
low-income Medicare enrollees who do not have supplementary
coverage.

Although the variety of services was not affected, the state of
Oregon instituted a benefit limitation policy in 1994. It created a
ranking of the costs and benefits of alternative medical procedures
and proposed to pay for only those procedures whose cost–benefit
ratios ranked above a certain cut-off point. Near the top of the list
were treatments for disorders such as bone cancer and multiple
sclerosis, which, it was claimed, yield substantial benefits per
dollar of cure. Lower on the list were disorders whose treatments
have a lower rate of return, including chronic ulcers and sleep
disorders. Thus, the scope of the services was to be limited by
type of treatment. This program was quite controversial and has
generated a great deal of discussion.

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15.7.2 Copayments
Generally, Medicaid does not charge recipients for their services.
However, states can institute a copayment for some services. As
of 2004, some 41 states had copayments for prescription drugs,
usually ranging from $0.50 to $1.00 per prescription. In addition,
some states have mandated limits on the quantity of drugs
prescribed and the number of refills. After the enrollee reaches
these limits, the drugs are no longer covered. There is evidence
that these copayments affect the utilization of drugs, and there is
only limited evidence that health status is adversely affected
(Stuart & Zacker, 1999).

15.7.3 Provider Payments
Medicaid programs are noted for the low levels of fees paid to
providers (Gruber, 1997). Low fee levels discourage providers
from serving Medicaid enrollees and thus reduce availability. This
is a problem often noted when Medicaid is discussed.

15.7.4 Competitive Bidding by Suppliers
Competitive bidding, which has been implemented by the
California and Arizona Medicaid programs, has the objective of
providing cost-effective care for indigents. If the buyer has a
considerable degree of market power, it can extract a lower price
from competitive sellers, and if there is any room for cost
reductions, either through increasing efficiency or lowering quality,
the reductions will be incorporated into the providers’ bids.
However, the bidding process is a complex one and may not
automatically lead to savings.

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15.7.5 Managed Care
Many states are looking to managed care programs in order to
consolidate their efforts at provision of services to their
populations. In 1998, about 53% of the Medicaid population was
enrolled in managed care plans, while by 2017, approximately
83% were enrolled in some type of managed care plan. The
proportion of persons who were enrolled in managed care varied
by group.

Many older individuals receive long-term care coverage through
Medicaid (as well as through their Medicare coverage). Long-term
care utilization, for those who need it, is less controllable than
other types of care (acute care), and long-term care is thus less
amenable to managed care-type coverage. Older Medicaid long-
term care patients would therefore tend not to be enrolled in a
Medicaid managed care plan. Indeed, only 4.9% of Medicaid
enrollees who are served by managed care are age 65 or older.
The majority of Medicaid-managed care enrollees are children and
parents.

Under Medicaid, managed care organizations face the same
issues as under Medicare. There is a wide variation in fee-setting
practices and in fees among states (Holahan, 1999). In addition,
as in the fee-for-service sector, managed care rates in general are
quite low (Bruen & Holahan, 1999). As well, risk-adjustment
factors have not been well developed, and so biased selection in
membership may be a problem. In short, Medicaid has problems
enrolling members and maintaining the provision of care for these
individuals. Since managed care organizations are paid a
capitated fee per enrolled member per month, the movement of
individuals on and off the Medicaid roles makes it difficult to keep
track of and manage the care of these individuals. This policy has
the effect of reducing the availability of care for these populations.

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15.8 Pay-For-Performance Initiatives

A number of different pay-for-performance (P4P) models have
been proposed and tried in recent years. The Centers for
Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) have supported a number
of demonstration projects to evaluate their effectiveness in
improving quality and decreasing costs. The health reform law
also calls for a number of additional demonstrations to incorporate
value-based purchasing into the payment system.

Basically, P4P links the payment system to the accomplishment of
predefined performance measures. These performance measures
can contain either positive incentives or disincentives. An example
of a positive incentive is to link the amount paid to the provider to
the documented achievement of a certain level of preventive
services performed (e.g., the percentage of women in the practice
over age 50 who have received mammography screenings in the
last 2 years). The provider receives higher payment if his/her
practice percentage is equal to or greater than the desired,
predefined percentage. A disincentive establishes a penalty for the
occurrence or nonoccurrence of certain events (Cromwell,
Trisolini, Pope, Mitchell, & Greenwald, 2011). For example,
Medicare has established a policy that it will no longer pay
providers for the increased costs associated with medical errors or
hospital-acquired infections. Another area being carefully
scrutinized currently is the rate of readmission to hospitals in less
than 30 days, especially for the same diagnosis or for diagnoses
related to the original admission.

An issue that needs to be carefully considered in the development
of incentives and/or disincentives is the potential negative impacts
on patients. Will a P4P incentive encourage adverse selection of
patients that will assist the provider in reaching the desired goal?

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How will patients who have serious and complex conditions be
treated in a P4P system when the patient interacts with multiple
providers in multiple locations. Will a P4P system decrease access
to care for the sickest, most vulnerable populations? In the
complex, fragmented delivery system, can a P4P model be
developed that can accurately and appropriately attribute
responsibility for the outcome of care for complex patients?

Pay-for-performance models and demonstration projects have
been undertaken and supported by CMS in an effort to transform
itself from a passive payer for services delivered to its
beneficiaries to an active, value-based purchaser of higher quality,
affordable healthcare services. To become a value-based
purchaser, CMS is attempting to establish incentives and
disincentives designed to change the behavior of providers by
linking effective resource utilization and clinical measures to a
redesigned payment system, increasing joint clinical and financial
accountability in the healthcare system.

When evaluating the transformation of the system to achieve value
in the healthcare system, Christianson, Leatherman, and
Sutherland (2007) provide a number of issues that require
consideration and answers. First, is the goal of the
incentive/disincentive to achieve improvement or attainment? If the
goal is improvement, then rewarding change may maximize the
potential improvements in quality, because the low-performing
providers can improve the most. On the other hand, rewarding
achievements would tend to focus and reward the providers who
were delivering superior care.

The second issue revolves around deciding if the goal is to reward
achievement of an absolute value or standard or to achieve a
relative rating or percentage of a target. Establishing an absolute
value to be achieved can be difficult and expensive to establish
the correct benchmark and keep it up to date. It can also be

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expensive, if most providers surpass the threshold established. A
relative rating (such as using quartiles), can be easier to calculate,
but may not be very informative if there is very little variation
among the providers; if the first quartile and the fourth quartile are
clustered close together, then differentiating between them for
payment is relatively worthless.

Third, how should risk adjustments or exemptions/exclusions be
handled? Risk adjustments are typically undertaken to reflect
differences in case mix or severity of patients in a panel or
practice. Determining and appropriately measuring the risk and
establishing a valid adjustment factor is difficult, or even not
applicable to certain metrics (e.g., immunizations). On the other
hand, if exemptions or exclusions for certain patients or providers
are allowed based on predetermined/prespecified conditions or
characteristics, then opportunities for gaming the system are
increased.

Another issue encountered in applying P4P criteria to individual
physicians is the small sample size of eligible patients or
procedures. If a practice has very few patients, procedures, or
conditions eligible to be scored in the metric, then a single outlier
can significantly impact the results, making them uninformative. As
a result, these providers can either be excluded from the P4P
system, or multiple years of data combined to achieve larger
numbers. A problem with using multiple years is that it may
camouflage important changes over time.

When patients see multiple providers, it is especially difficult to
obtain outcome measures that can be attributed to an individual
provider. This ties into the next issue of obtaining physician
engagement to improve care processes: if the physician doesn’t
see the relevancy to their own activities, it is hard to get him/her
motivated to participate and change behavior.

P4P may also have unintended consequences. For example, the
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selection of the measurement criteria may lead to better
documentation rather than an actual improvement in the outcome
being measured. Physicians could also either move practices or
select patients that are more likely to manage their own care,
thereby reducing access to services for certain groups of patients.
Providers could also focus on the areas that are included in the
incentives and let other areas decline because they are not being
measured. Coordination of care could also decrease for patients
with multiple conditions, and administrative costs could increase,
as additional time is needed to comply with the quality metrics,
document care provided, or track rewards to individual providers in
a group.

As this discussion indicates, implementing a value-based, pay-for-
performance system is not without problems. However, careful
evaluation of incentives/disincentives created will enable Medicare
and other purchasers to become more prudent purchasers, not
just payers.

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Exercises
1. What populations and what services are covered by

Medicare?
2. What are the major sources of funding for Medicare?
3. What populations and what services are covered by

Medicaid?
4. What are the major sources of funding for Medicaid?
5. What is Medigap and what purpose does it serve?
6. What are the goals of Medicare?
7. List five policies for Medicare and identify what goal(s) each

address.
8. What are the most important problems faced by Medicaid

and what policies might be used to help solve them?

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of key Medicare provisions in the balanced budget act
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spending and financing: A primer. Menlo Park, CA:
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prescription drug coverage for Medicare enrollees.
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coverage, 1998. Washington, DC: U.S. Bureau of the

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COMMENTARY Open Access

Health care financing and the sustainability
of health systems
Lycourgos Liaropoulos1 and Ilias Goranitis2*

Abstract

The economic crisis brought an unprecedented attention to the issue of health system sustainability in the
developed world. The discussion, however, has been mainly limited to “traditional” issues of cost-effectiveness,
quality of care, and, lately, patient involvement. Not enough attention has yet been paid to the issue of who pays
and, more importantly, to the sustainability of financing. This fundamental concept in the economics of health
policy needs to be reconsidered carefully. In a globalized economy, as the share of labor decreases relative to that
of capital, wage income is increasingly insufficient to cover the rising cost of care. At the same time, as the cost of
Social Health Insurance through employment contributions rises with medical costs, it imperils the competitiveness
of the economy. These reasons explain why spreading health care cost to all factors of production through
comprehensive National Health Insurance financed by progressive taxation of income from all sources, instead of
employer-employee contributions, protects health system objectives, especially during economic recessions, and
ensures health system sustainability.

Introduction
Health systems appeared after 1950, as Europe was heal-
ing from the 2nd World War. With a political shift to the
left [1], governments responded to public demands for af-
fordable health services accessible to all. Until the 1970’s,
health systems shared one concern: how to funnel an aver-
age 7 % of national Gross Domestic Product (GDP) col-
lected through taxes and labor contributions into health
care services. Two major types of public health systems
emerged, named after their political instigators:

� Bismarck systems based on social insurance, with a
multitude of public insurance funds, financed by
employer-employee contributions, independent of
health care provision. Examples are Belgium, France
and Germany.

� Beveridge systems, where public financing and health
care delivery are handled within one tax-financed
structure, such as the National Health Service
(NHS) in the UK and in some Nordic states.

Since then, there has been intense debate over the two
generic types of systems, with the discussion centered
on access, quality and cost. Financing was a “function of
a health system concerned with the mobilization, accu-
mulation and allocation of money to cover the health
needs of the people, individually and collectively” [2]. In
the 2000 report of the World Health Organization
(WHO) we find that the purpose of health financing was
“to make funding available, as well as to set the right fi-
nancial incentives to providers to ensure that all individ-
uals have access to effective public health and personal
health care” [2]. The definition was expanded in 2007 as
follows: “A good health financing system raises adequate
funds for health, so that people can use needed services
protected from financial catastrophe or impoverishment
associated with having to pay for them. It provides in-
centives for providers and users to be efficient” [3].
In both WHO definitions, the main concern was about

raising adequate funds, sidestepping the implications for
payers and for the economy. With recent recessions,
however, universal coverage, a main pillar of social cohe-
sion and welfare is endangered, with profound implica-
tions on equity1 and financial protection. The willingness
of society to disburse the necessary funds in developing
countries has been discussed since the 1980s [4], and sus-
tainable development remains pertinent in light of social,

* Correspondence: [email protected]
2Health Economics Unit, Public Health Building, University of Birmingham,
Birmingham B15 2TT, UK
Full list of author information is available at the end of the article

© 2016 Liaropoulos and Goranitis. Open Access This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons
Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution,
and reproduction in any medium, provided you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link
to the Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made. The Creative Commons Public Domain Dedication
waiver (http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/) applies to the data made available in this article, unless otherwise
stated.

Liaropoulos and Goranitis International Journal for Equity in Health (2015) 14:80
DOI 10.1186/s12939-015-0208-5

demographic and epidemiological changes [5]. In the de-
veloped world, however, the ability to finance society’s
health care needs is a “child” of the 21st century. The inci-
dence of financing and health system viability has only re-
cently become a major topic of health policy [6], not only
in Europe [7] and the UK [8] but also in the US [9] and
Canada [10].
The Organization for Economic Co-operation and

Development (OECD) opened the debate on financial
sustainability in 20132, along with other initiatives at a
European Union (EU) level referring to “sustainable
health care”3. Non-profit organizations, patient advocates
as well as the pharmaceutical industry organize workshops
and conferences on “access to care” and “patient em-
powerment” [11]. The 2014 OECD Meeting, held on
24–25 April in Paris, aimed to identify and disseminate
good practices in managing health care budgets4, and a
publication on the fiscal sustainability of health systems is
under development. This shall examine drivers of health
expenditure, policies to manage spending and improve
value for money. Although these are mostly supply-side
concerns, the request from the 2013 OECD Meeting was
that the 2014 Meeting must also focus on “the politics of
reform in health care”, including the issue of demand.
It is difficult to think of a more “political” issue than

the source of financing health care. This fundamental,
but rather overlooked, concept in the economics of
health policy needs to be actively debated as sustainable
development goals gain traction in post-2015 policy
agenda. This paper discusses the implications of the way
health care resources are raised, pooled and spent. Finan-
cial sustainability as a major health care issue in the 21st

century world is also discussed.

The debate on sustainability: new challenges in the 21st

century
The evolution of health financing during the last half
century reveals a fundamental shift in core issues. After
1950, health systems were designed for populations ex-
pected to live for an average of 65–70 years. With retire-
ment at 60–65 and near full employment, lifetime
earnings and savings were more or less sufficient to fi-
nance a decent health system, while rising health ex-
penditure meant welfare gains for all. In the 21st

century, average life expectancy rose above the age of
80, and health science and technology improved quality
of life even at a very old age. Although desirable, the
prolongation of life in good health costs, a reality that
no democratic society can ignore for long.
The real political, economic and ethical question is the

source of the required financing. Very rich countries5

can still afford to rely largely on private health insurance
despite the serious equity issues involved. Most devel-
oped and developing countries, however, finance their

more or less developed welfare state through taxation
and labor contributions. It is in these countries that
globalization is bringing increasing economic inequality
and economic uncertainty has caused a major debate on
the sustainability of health financing.

Globalization and income inequality
Globalization has profoundly affected the distribution of
income both among and within countries. The seminal
work of Thomas Piketty in 2014 [12] showed that
globalization favors capital relative to other sources of
income, such as labor and rents. Increased capital mobility
pulled many countries out of poverty, but the benefits
favor the rich capital owning countries [13]. Globalization
also increased income inequality within countries with top
income brackets absorbing a larger share of national GDP
[14]. Besides being a moral and political question, growing
inequality is also an economic one since, beyond a certain
point, it can be a source of significant economic ills
[15]. For example, the failure to tax income reduces the
effectiveness of welfare and safety nets and undermines
the competitiveness of the economy [16]. This point is
particularly important for developing countries now de-
veloping their health systems.

Recession and economic uncertainty
Another phenomenon that makes this century different
is frequent recessions as income inequality causes a drop
in demand [15]. Unemployment and economic distress
put a strain on public budgets, increase the demand for
public health services, and limit access to private services
[17]. Such extreme pressures, as after the 2008-economic
crisis, introduced financial sustainability in the health pol-
icy debate. Although the debate is still centered on fund-
ing and value for money, it now includes the ability of a
society to fulfill its implicit or explicit promise to satisfy
need-based demand for health care [18].

Financing sustainable health care: who must pay and
how?
The answer to the question of who must pay for health
care and how lies in the moral fabric and the value sys-
tem of a society. It is a deeply ideological and political
question with undertones of social involvement, personal
responsibility, and freedom of choice. Big changes in
health care financing happen rarely, usually after major
events6, and are more likely to take place in countries
with social cohesion high on their value scale7. This is
possibly why discussions on health system sustainability
continue to “finesse” the question of financing, and per-
haps to avoid two uncomfortable truths. One, that reli-
ance on out-of-pocket expenditure is not acceptable on
equity and financial protection grounds. Two, that only

Liaropoulos and Goranitis International Journal for Equity in Health (2015) 14:80 Page 2 of 4

some kind of income transfer, such as taxation, can
cover the increasing cost of health care.
The moral determinant of “who pays” and “how” must

now gain importance, as ageing societies, technological
advances, globalization, and economic recessions put a
strain on the sustainability of financing sources. The
question therefore should now focus, not only on
whether society as a whole will bear the cost but also on
how to obtain and manage the needed savings, and on
the efficiency and competitiveness of the economy which
must produce them.
For the increasing cost of care many “blame” the

demographic factor, although the major part of life-time
health cost occurs in the last two years of life [19]. Life
expectancy indeed rose significantly in the last fifty years
together with total lifetime cost [20]. The average retire-
ment age, however, remained more or less the same at
around 65. There are, therefore, twenty years in which a
citizen incurs health costs without producing income as
“insurance”. People of working age today must finance
the health needs of their children, themselves and,
mainly, the 3rd and 4th generation. Labor contributions
legislated thirty years ago are clearly not enough for to-
day’s medical costs8, while contributions sufficient to
cover health costs thirty years from now would make
labor extremely expensive. Therefore, only savings in the
form of taxes on all incomes produced by society, in-
cluding wealth and capital, appear to be a sustainable
source of funding in the long-term.
In addition, cyclical fluctuations are now common

events rather than rare occurrences. Health financing
may determine how pressures on health systems are
weathered without loss of equity, quality and financial
protection. Social Health Insurance has been found to
have negative labor market effects [21] and to hurt com-
petitiveness [7] due to higher labor costs. This is crucial
in monetary unions where devaluation during economic
crises is not an option and competitiveness gains are the
only way for the economy to adjust to pre-crisis levels.
In addition, as unemployment increases, incomes decline
and pressures on health budget and public infrastructure
are pushed to extremes, evidence has indicated that public
health systems financed through taxation can be more
responsive to economic pressures and more effective in
health expenditure consolidation [22]. Although conclu-
sive evidence is lacking, the experiences of Canada and
Greece may be indicative.
Evidence from Canada, where health is financed mainly

through taxation, suggests that patient satisfaction, hos-
pital performance and health outcomes were maintained
despite the financial strain [23]. Concerns that reliance on
taxation may be associated with higher private payments,
especially during economic downturns [22], or that cor-
ruption may inhibit administrative capacity to collect taxes

[24], may be put to rest by the fact that during economic
turmoil individuals become more price-sensitive and
administrative capacity tends to improve.
In Greece, Social Insurance historically covered approxi-

mately 40 % of health care cost. In the face of severe un-
employment (27 %) caused by 25 % GDP contraction,
reliance on employer-employee contributions proved an
inadequate funding base for health care. Between 2009
and 2012,9 Social Insurance expenditure declined by
29.3 %, with the fairness of the system and quality of
care severely affected [25, 26]. Greece is now a country
where the need of re-orientation of health care finan-
cing is pressing [25, 27].
In conclusion, employment contributions as a source

of health financing are incompatible with universal cover-
age, quality of services, and rising life expectancy. A move
towards general taxation to meet health care needs can
boost economic growth through increased competitive-
ness, and achieve major non-health objectives, like equity,
financial protection, quality and responsiveness even dur-
ing economic downturns. Health system sustainability, as
a system objective, must turn to financing through pro-
gressive taxation of all types of income. “Uncomfortable”
as this may appear, it is a reality not to be overlooked. Pol-
itical concerns associated with economic imperatives as
well as moral considerations may force changes in health
services financing in both the developed and developing
world. National health insurance financed through tax-
ation should gain momentum in the quest for more sus-
tainable and responsive health systems.

Endnotes
1In this paper we treat the concept of Equity-in-Health

as implying equal treatment for equal needs, regardless
of income or financial ability

2OECD 2nd Meeting of the joint Network on Fiscal
Sustainability of Health Systems, Paris, 25–26 March
2013

3A conference was organized in Brussels on May 26–27,
2013, as a multi-stakeholder public debate entitled “From
Crisis to Recovery: how to drive sustainable healthcare
together?”. The full Report will be submitted to the
European Parliament in early 2015.

4OECD 3rd Meeting of the Joint DELSA/GOV Network
on Fiscal Sustainability of Health Systems, Paris, 24–25
April 2014.

5Such as the US and Switzerland.
6For example, the British government in 1947 assumed

the full burden of the National Health Service as “a reward
to the British people after the pain and devastation of the
war” [1].

7The importance of the moral determinant is clear in a
comparison of post-war UK, with the US, a country with
similar cultural background, fifty years later. The Affordable

Liaropoulos and Goranitis International Journal for Equity in Health (2015) 14:80 Page 3 of 4

Care Act – (ACA) of President Obama, although presented
as a major health reform, is only a mere extension of
government financing to meet the health needs of the
15 % of uninsured poor Americans. Even so, it has become
the main issue in the ideological and political warfare in
the US.

8Medical progress is desirable, but it is also expensive
and not predictable.

92012 is the last year for which official data exist.

Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no competing interests

Authors’ contributions
LL conceived the idea for the paper. Both authors contributed to the write
up of the manuscript and approved the final version.

Author details
1Center for Health Services Management and Evaluation, Faculty of Nursing,
University of Athens, 123 Papadiamantopoulou Street, 11527 Athens, Greece.
2Health Economics Unit, Public Health Building, University of Birmingham,
Birmingham B15 2TT, UK.

Received: 17 December 2014 Accepted: 31 August 2015

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Liaropoulos and Goranitis International Journal for Equity in Health (2015) 14:80 Page 4 of 4

  • Abstract
  • Introduction
    • The debate on sustainability: new challenges in the 21st century
      • Globalization and income inequality
      • Recession and economic uncertainty
    • Financing sustainable health care: who must pay and how?
  • In this paper we treat the concept of Equity-in-Health as implying equal treatment for equal needs, regardless of income or financial ability
  • Competing interests
  • Authors’ contributions
  • Author details
  • References

Longo et al. BMC Health Services Research (2015) 15:152
DOI 10.1186/s12913-015-0800-9

RESEARCH ARTICLE Open Access

A framework to assess welfare mix and service
provision models in health care and social welfare:
case studies of two prominent Italian regions
Francesco Longo, Elisabetta Notarnicola* and Stefano Tasselli

Abstract

Background: The mechanisms through which the relationships among public institutions, private providers and
families affect care and service provision systems are puzzling. How can we understand the mechanisms in these
contexts? Which elements should we explore to capture the complexity of care provision? The aim of our study
is to provide a framework that can help read and reframe these puzzling care provision mechanisms in a welfare
mix context.

Methods: First, we develop a theoretical framework for understanding how service provision occurs in care
systems that are characterised by a variety of relationships between multiple actors, using an evidence-based
approach that looks at both public and private expenditures and the number of users relative to the level of
needs coverage and compared with declared values and political rhetoric. Second, we test this framework in two
case studies built on data from two prominent Italian regions, Lombardy and Emilia-Romagna. We argue that
service provision models depend on the interplay among six conceptual elements: policy values, governance
rules, resources, nature of the providers, service standards and eligibility criteria.

Results: Our empirical study shows that beneath the relevant differences in values and political rhetoric between
the case studies of the two Italian regions, there is a surprising isomorphism in service standards and the levels of
covering the population’s needs.

Conclusion: The suggested framework appears to be effective and feasible; it fosters interdisciplinary approaches
and supports policy-making discussions. This study may contribute to deepening knowledge about public care
service provision and institutional arrangements, which can be used to promote more effective reforms and may
advance future research. Although the framework was tested on the Italian welfare system, it can be used to
assess many different systems.

Keywords: Systems of care, Service provision models, Welfare systems, Health and social care services

Background
Beveridge-based systems of health and social care are
characterised by the provision of a complex mix of pub-
lic and private services that are aimed at enhancing the
population’s health and well-being. Although these sys-
tems were created with the goal of pursuing universal
coverage through public service provision, they are dra-
matically changing because of both financial constraints

* Correspondence: [email protected]
CERGAS – Health and Social Care Management Research Center, Public Policy
Analysis and Management Department,Bocconi University, Via Roentgen 1,
20135 Milan, Italy

© 2015 Longo et al.; licensee BIoMed Central.
Commons Attribution License (http://creativec
reproduction in any medium, provided the or
Dedication waiver (http://creativecommons.or
unless otherwise stated.

and societal pressures. The traditional Beveridge-driven
configuration of public welfare regimes as being solely
responsible for social security has been replaced, par-
ticularly in Europe, by institutional networks of various
actors with a varied allocation of resources and respon-
sibilities [1,2]. Private and non-profit organisations, to-
gether with families, are becoming increasingly more
involved in planning and providing health care and so-
cial welfare services [3]. Determining how the relation-
ships between these categories of actors affect service
provision and progressively shape the nature of welfare
systems is a major challenge for both managerial and

This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative
ommons.org/licenses/by/4.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and
iginal work is properly credited. The Creative Commons Public Domain
g/publicdomain/zero/1.0/) applies to the data made available in this article,

Longo et al. BMC Health Services Research (2015) 15:152 Page 2 of 12

policy research (cf. Esping-Andersen [4,5]). In this light, the
current paper aims to develop a theoretical framework for
understanding how service financing and provision occur
in health and social care systems that are characterised by a
variety of relationships between different actors. We then
test the suggested framework on two cases of social welfare
and community health care in two prominent Italian re-
gions, Lombardy and Emilia-Romagna. Building on both
theoretical and empirical insights, we suggest new direc-
tions for welfare policy and management. We focus on the
broad policy field of health care and social welfare service
provision because it represents one of the most critical is-
sues faced by aging European societies and thus may be
representative of the overall welfare system [6,7]. This
policy field traditionally features a high level of interaction
between public, private, and non-profit organisations and
families for both service financing and provision, seeking to
address problems such as poverty, elderly-related issues,
caring for people with disabilities, child protection, home-
lessness, mental disease, and substance abuse.
The regions selected for our case study, Lombardy and

Emilia-Romagna, have 10 million and 4.4 million inhabi-
tants, respectively, which represents 24% of the Italian
population and approximately 30% of Italy’s gross in-
come product (500 billion euros). These two regions
have consolidated and mature welfare systems that
have experienced national social reforms since the
early 2000s. Politically embedded in a liberal-Catholic
culture, Lombardy’s welfare system is strongly based,
at least in its inspiration, on a purchaser-provider split
that is achieved by contracting out services to private
providers and on users’ free choice between service
providers. The social-democratic political background
of Emilia-Romagna led to a more inclusive welfare sys-
tem that has a strong focus on public planning and
community work. We use the case study method to
verify the validity of an emerging theory proposed by
Eisenhardt [8] and Eisenhardt and Graebner [9]. These
two case studies provide evidence for the efficacy and
feasibility of the proposed theoretical framework in
assessing welfare systems.

Welfare mixes: Which mix can move the paradigm
forward?
The welfare state has long been a research subject, and
its intrinsic complexity has been addressed by a number
of disciplines that have adopted a range of perspectives
[10]. In addition to the rich literature on different wel-
fare systems and distinct models of health and social
care provision [3,11], investigations of the crisis faced by
the traditional welfare models have increased in intensity
in recent decades [12,13]. In Europe in particular, com-
parative welfare state research has focused on three main

branches of models and changes: categorisation, retrench-
ment, and convergence [14].
Although different conclusions have been reached by

different branches of research on the modelling and cri-
sis of welfare, there is general agreement that theory and
research have shifted from investigating welfare states to
investigating welfare systems [15], adding to the trad-
itional analysis of public institutions that have been his-
torically devoted to welfare the analysis of other public
and private actors with the idea of the community as a
whole. The natural consequence of this evolution is that
service management in the health and social service sec-
tor is no longer limited to public-sector dominance but
involves a wide network of actors that includes families
and private, public, and non-profit organisations for
both service financing and provision [16,17].
This issue has been debated in both social policy ana-

lysis (since Esping-Andersen [4]) and social administra-
tion and public management, where it has also been
addressed as “dualisation” [18] or “dualisation of social
services” [19], although neither a unique definition nor a
systematic interpretation has yet been provided.
Studying welfare systems is therefore a very challenging

task. Comprehensive approaches are so rare that many at-
tempts may be similar to “describing an elephant touching
only its hide, its foot or its trunk” ([10], p. 153).
The first step in solving this puzzle requires identifying

theoretical categories to provide more conceptual clarity.
What is meant by “welfare mix,” with its specific focus on
health and social care services? More to the point, what
are the key issues that need to be analysed to identify the
peculiarities and explain the variance between different
health and social care systems? If a well-considered defin-
ition of welfare mix is “the combined, interdependent way
in which welfare is produced and allocated between state,
market, family and the third sector” [3], we should explore
how to investigate these interdependences and on which
issues we should focus our analysis.
Building from the previous literature on welfare mix in

the field of health and social care provision, we distin-
guished between different theoretical approaches that were
summarised from the literature. Each of these approaches
moves from different items of analysis to highlight welfare
mix features and identify a set of items that define welfare
systems in modern times. The choices of different variables
and the ways they are put together produce differences be-
tween the three conceptualisations that we synthesised as
1) welfare provision; 2) regulation and governance; and 3)
norms, values and relations (for a synthesis of these ap-
proaches, see Table 1).

Welfare provision
In the welfare provision approach, the concept of wel-
fare mix is studied only with regard to the supply and

Longo et al. BMC Health Services Research (2015) 15:152 Page 3 of 12

production of welfare services in the context of mixed-
market theories. Therefore, welfare is analysed from a
market or quasi-market perspective that considers only
the provision of in-kind services. Different industrial
models and features of these forms of service delivery
are used to describe welfare regimes, and reasons that
push private actors to enter some public markets are
also investigated [20,21]. Here, social risk coverage is
associated with production [22]. Esping-Andersen [23]
categorised welfare regimes based on how they pool
and cover social risks. The key variable that is used is
thus the “nature and geography of providers,” meaning
analysing different production models, the characteris-
tics of single providers, and market access systems and
regulating the public sector.

Regulation and governance
Under the regulation and governance approach, welfare
mix networks are viewed from a wider perspective by add-
ing other dimensions to the definition of welfare provision.
This evolution may be exemplified by Barr [24], who de-
fines welfare provision as the combination of funding, pro-
duction, delivery, and regulation of supply and demand.
Not only the presence of different actors in a welfare econ-
omy but also institutional frameworks and governance are
considered [25,26]. Welfare is analysed through a broader
perspective, extending beyond providing in-kind services to
include policy making and system financing. Multiple vari-
ables are used in this case: “Nature and geography of pro-
viders,” as in the previous approach, as well a “Governance
rules,” “Resources,” and “Service features and standards.”
Governance issues address the allocation of functions (such

Table 1 Theoretical approaches to welfare mix: definitions an

Approach Authors Welfare mix

Welfare
provision

Esping Andersen 1999 [23]; Vogel 1999 [20];
Powell and Barrientos 2004 [22]; Dahlberg
2005 [21].

Welfare mix c
of welfare se

– Mixed mark

– Different in
forms are u

– Reasons lea
also investig

Regulation
and
Governance

Goodin and Rein 2001 [32]; Ascoli e Ranci
2003 [25]; Barr 2004 [22]; Bode 2006 [33];
Theobald 2012 [26].

Welfare mix i
by combinin
supply and d
governance p

Norms, values
and
relationships

Evers and Laville 2004 [27]; Zimmer 2000 [28];
Borgonovi 2002 [29]; Pavolini 2003 [30].

Welfare mix i
generate wel
relationships
decision-mak

as regulation, planning, and monitoring) between public
and private actors. Resource issues focus on analysing the
mix of public and private resources but also on the systems’
financing mechanisms. Service issues bring together the
perspectives of users and citizens to explore the coverage of
their needs and the peculiarities of guaranteed benefits.

Norms, values, and relationships
In the third research stream, scholars analyse the cir-
cumstances that induce public and private actors to par-
ticipate in the welfare mix by examining the norms and
values that generate welfare participation [27]. Other au-
thors focus on the relationships between welfare actors
[28-30]. In addition, decision processes and participation
mechanisms are considered relevant. The principal vari-
able used here is “Policy definition and values”, where
policies are defined as the different policy-making styles
that lead to policy processes and where values represent the
ideological backgrounds and norms that inspire welfare.
These existing contributions help advance the debate

and theory on welfare service provision and widen the
traditional research focus. Both families and non-profit,
private and public organisations are given more room
for action. Moreover, it is increasingly recognised that deci-
sions are made not at the central level but by a plurality of
actors at the local level [31].
At the same time, a unique and clear definition in

the literature of what is included in the welfare mix
approach is missing, and there is a lack of identifica-
tion of the variables that determine a mix. A welfare
mix is often considered an abstract concept, and it is
not always clear whether it is defined as a determinant

d key variables

definition and features Variables used
to investigate
welfare mix

oncept is applied only to the supply and production
rvices:

“Nature and
geography of
providers”

et theories;

dustrial models and features of services delivery
sed to describe welfare regimes;

ding private actors to enter some public markets are
ated.

s defined as a network in which welfare is providing
g funding, production, delivery and regulation of
emand. In addition, institutional frameworks and
rocedures are considered.

“Nature and
geography of
providers”

“Governance rules”
“Resources”

“Services features
and standards”

s defined as moving from norms and values that
fare participation. It is also investigated considering
and interactions among different actors as well as
ing processes and participation mechanisms.

“Policy definition
and values”

Longo et al. BMC Health Services Research (2015) 15:152 Page 4 of 12

or a result of welfare systems. Some studies conclude
that the mix of different actors is derived from welfare
characteristics, whereas others conclude that the mix
influences welfare outputs and determines its peculiar-
ities [22,32]. In addition, welfare mix studies may be
victims of rhetoric and value judgments concerning
the roles of families, the third sector, and communities
in general. Finally, the qualitative methods that are
used in the welfare literature that uses qualitative ap-
proaches are often supported by simultaneous and in-
tegrated quantitative analysis [13,14].
Despite the importance of the welfare mix approach

and the relevance for modern welfare studies of studies
based on this approach, the existing literature provides
fragmented contributions that in turn are subject to the
risks of providing only generic representations of welfare
systems. To guarantee the robustness of this research
stream and to realise the potential of the welfare mix ap-
proach, this theoretical gap must be filled with clearly
identified variables that can define the policy field bor-
ders and capture the main features of welfare mixes with
an effective methodological framework to analyse mod-
ern welfare systems, which is what we provide in the
following paragraphs. The assumptions that we derived
from the extant literature are summarised in previous
paragraphs: welfare mix is the best theoretical model for
representing the structure of modern welfare systems;
the most significant variables that define welfare mixes re-
late to institutional arrangements and governance (alloca-
tion of functions and responsibilities and decision-making
processes) and in particular, regulation, provision, financing,
resource allocation and inspiration of welfare systems;
managing welfare service provision means focusing not
only on production models but also on service features and
user needs. An analysis based on these premises should
match qualitative information with evidence-based data.
For this reason, our suggested framework adds a set of data
to complete the qualitative description that can help repre-
sent emerging welfare characteristics rather than declared
ones for an in-depth analysis.

A framework for comparing and assessing welfare
systems
The analytical framework we suggest and test in this
paper is built on the strengths of existing contributions
and seeks to fill their information gaps and design a
comprehensive approach for comparing and assessing
health and social care systems. The aim of the frame-
work is to design a systematic checklist to analyse and
compare welfare systems that strikes a balance among
completeness, depth, and research feasibility in terms
of effort and possible results. We examine national and
regional systems and refer to welfare by considering its
social and community health care components. Social

and community health care has been recognised and
acknowledged as representative of welfare regimes be-
cause of this type of care’s intrinsic relevance and in-
creasing importance, especially in aging societies [6].
In discussing social and community health care, we
include all personal services and benefits (cash or in-
kind) that are targeted for inclusion and protection,
and we exclude services related to acute health care,
pension, or education systems.
Building on the theoretical models discussed in the lit-

erature on welfare mixes, we provide a set of variables
aimed at capturing and interpreting the different models.
From the welfare provision perspective [20,21], we in-
clude variables that describe service-provision modes
and their funding mixes (formal provider features, infor-
mal caregiving features, and relevance). We consider all
regulation and governance approach items [25,32,33],
but we adopt a wider perspective to analyse system fi-
nancing, resource allocation, service planning, and
public-purchasing modes. We use norms and values
[27] to analyse the welfare perimeter and examine tar-
geted individual and social rights. We include formal
and informal welfare resources and services and at-
tempt to capture the overall interaction between actors
[29] to assess possible synergies or gaps. Finally, we
add two missing perspectives: (1) service features and
related access mechanisms and the levels of needs
coverage and (2) the explicit criteria or implicit mecha-
nisms for users’ selection. We are interested in service
features, in particular in the way services are provided,
and we focus on quality and service standards because
they may explain the costs and welfare intensity per
user. This approach is closely related to eligibility cri-
teria and needs coverage.
To summarise, these elements led us to produce a

comprehensive framework that comprises six sets of
items: (1) a formal policy field definition and its ideo-
logical background and values; (2) institutional govern-
ance; (3) the public and private resources involved; (4)
the nature and geography of providers; (5) the types of
service features, standards (service intensity per user),
and provision; and (6) users’ access mechanisms, implicit
and de facto selection criteria, and needs coverage.
To apply this framework, an evidence-based approach

is suggested to obtain integrated and parallel quantita-
tive and qualitative data and to produce more valuable
policy proposals [34,35]. Our analysis aims to capture
both emergent substantial facts and declared formal
mechanisms: for this reason, it relies on empirical data
and observations and formal documents and statements.
Any gap between declared rules or policy programs
and emerging welfare characteristics will be considered
part of the framework results. The interpretation of
data and evidence is more robust if a comparative and

Longo et al. BMC Health Services Research (2015) 15:152 Page 5 of 12

longitudinal perspective is possible because it sheds
light on the similarities and divergences.
The research methodology suggested here therefore re-

lies on a mixed approach: a qualitative analysis of formal
declared policies, governance structures, rules, values and
quantitative data about resources, service standards and
costs, provider features, selection criteria, and needs cover-
age, which capture the emergent policies.
We test the efficacy and feasibility of this framework by

comparing two Italian regional social and health commu-
nity care systems that are historically based on opposing
declared ideologies.

Comparison between the welfare systems of the
Lombardy and Emilia-Romagna regions
We chose Emilia-Romagna and Lombardy not only be-
cause they are two of the most important Italian re-
gions because of their sizes but also because they were
among the first to implement comprehensive social
care reforms. Moreover, they are representative of two
polar welfare systems because of their sociopolitical
and rhetorical assumptions. Lombardy has been driven
by a liberal-Catholic cultural approach towards enhan-
cing focus on public–private–non-profit collaborative
competition in the provision of health care and social
welfare services and a leading emphasis on citizens’ free-
dom of choice in selecting services providers. Emilia-
Romagna has been driven by a post-social-democrat ap-
proach, with an emphasis on the role of public actors as
key players in both analysing and discovering relevant citi-
zens’ needs and providing publicly funded services.
It may be useful to emphasise the current settings in

the Italian social care sector that drove our decision to
explore regional rather than national systems. With
the approval of Law 328/2000 [36], regions were dele-
gated to implement welfare policies; as a result: “re-
gional and local governments have followed different
pathways in the implementation of the reform, in some
cases even contradicting the guidelines of the national
legislator” [37]. Today, regions are responsible for
their governance structures, in particular for managing
the public budget devoted to health and social care
and for governing the network of public, private, and
non-profit actors who provide care to citizens.

Methods
We used our proposed framework to build and assess two
case studies. We collected data from multiple sources and
mixed qualitative research with evidence-based, quantita-
tive data to achieve completeness and to provide triangula-
tion for our findings [38]. Data collection was conducted
in five separate steps in 2012, which took approximately
eight months. The data were collected specifically for this
research because all of the data are unpublished, and they

were provided and elaborated by participating institutions
(the Emilia-Romagna and Lombardy health and social wel-
fare regional directorates) in adherence with public data
protection guidelines. Specifically, we followed the ethical
regulations defined by the “Decreto Legislativo 231/2001”,
an Italian national law that regulates the access to and use
of public data by public administrations, hospitals, and
other public institutions.
Data collection and analysis consisted of four separate

steps. First, we collected data through in-depth inter-
views with a research panel composed of social care
managers from the regional directorates for both
Lombardy and Emilia-Romagna. During these inter-
views, we asked the managers about the specific re-
gional documents that contained data or information
that could be relevant for our analysis. Subsequently,
the managers sent us the official documents regarding
social and community health care policies in the two re-
gions in the last year (from 2000 to 2012), including le-
gislative and normative documents, official regional
reports, regional strategic plans, regional accounts, and
budgeting documents. These documents helped us to
collect information concerning formal rules, values, gov-
ernance mechanisms, and official data about financial
expenditures and numbers of users served.
Second, we defined a list of detailed indicators that

could help our analysis (including data about the mix-
ture of financial resources available, the numbers of
users, the average cost of social care intervention per
user, and provider characteristics). All of the data were
already available from the public organisations (munici-
palities and local health authorities [LHAs]). The strong
commitment of the regional governments allowed for an
optimal return rate of the requested data at both the re-
gional and local levels: this allowed us to improve and
better understand the aggregate regional information
and to integrate the information with local and analytical
perspectives.
Third, we used the epidemiological and statistical

prevalence of dependency to assess the potential needs
for different social targets and then determine the levels
of needs coverage granted by the two welfare systems.
Fourth, the data and evidence were discussed in two

focus groups (one for Lombardy and one for Emilia-
Romagna). The participants were chosen from among
the most important social care managers and civil ser-
vants at both the regional and local levels. The focus
groups were conducted similarly to half-day research
seminars; the case studies were presented and the results
validated and discussed by regional key players. The par-
ticipants were managers and practitioners from the re-
gional level, and they all provided us with consent
statements for both the focus groups and the interviews.
Considering that no patients were enrolled in the focus

Longo et al. BMC Health Services Research (2015) 15:152 Page 6 of 12

group and no sensible information was discussed during
them, no ethical statement was required because none
was necessary. By focus group, in this paper, we mean
participant observation of a meeting of professionals and
managers who shared perceptions, opinions, beliefs, and
attitudes towards their work activity. For this purpose,
we obtained the consensus of all of the individual pro-
fessionals and managers who participated in the focus
group and of their home institutions, following the
“Decreto legislative 231/2001“cited above.
Next, a number of individual interviews were con-

ducted in each region with single key players to better
understand the social care systems (with a focus on the
distance between formal and emerging characteristics)
and deepen the analysis of certain critical issues that
arose within the focus groups.
The data regarding Emilia-Romagna refer to 2012,

whereas the data concerning Lombardy refer to 2011.
When complete regional data were not available, we re-
lied on data on Bologna and Milan, the most important
metropolitan areas in the two regions. We also provide a
special focus on long-term care (LTC) for the elderly
and disabled given the importance of these interventions
for the aging European population.
In the next paragraphs, we present the Lombardy and

Emilia-Romagna case studies through the lens of the six
variables we defined in our framework.

Results
Policy field definition and values
Emilia-Romagna and Lombardy have very different wel-
fare values that come from two traditions of opposing
political settings: characterised by a strong liberal envir-
onment, Lombardy is more family and market oriented,
whereas Emilia-Romagna has a social-democrat back-
ground and is more community oriented, with an em-
phasis on public planning.
Lombardy places a focus on public and private part-

nership in service provision and individuals’ options to
select their specific service mixes. In contrast, Emilia-
Romagna is characterised by an emphasis on considering
public actors to be responsible for planning and satisfy-
ing citizens’ needs, with an ancillary role played by pri-
vate actors.
Emilia-Romagna’s social care system may be charac-

terised as having four core values [39]: (a) centrality of
the local community: individuals, institutions, families
and non-profit organisations are responsible for imple-
menting social policy; (b) prevention and social pro-
motion rather than compensation for social risks; (c)
personal autonomy and independent living are the
main welfare goals; (d) integration between different
policy fields (social, health, labour, gender, and educa-
tion). Public actors are supposed to collaborate with

rather than delegate to private actors and are perceived
as directors of the system. Families are recognised as
sites of social relations and caring and must be
sustained.
In Lombardy [40], the social care system was defined

as a network of family-centred interventions and policies
that provided choices from among different commercial
providers and that featured horizontal and vertical sub-
sidiarity together with quasi-markets. Public actors act
as regulators, whereas private actors (for-profit or non-
profit) provide services in a quasi-market regime. This
approach is based on the notion that a welfare society is
superior to public institutions alone.
In recent years, both systems have introduced changes

in their orientations: Emilia-Romagna has reinforced the
goal of integrating social and community health policies,
and Lombardy has introduced elements of integration
between different social actors and made explicit the need
for forms of pooling between public and family resources.

Governance rules
Local municipalities in Emilia-Romagna play a strong
role in both health and social care, with a general push
towards decentralisation at the local level. The result is a
strong interaction between the social care and health
care components. Social care is embedded in municipal-
ities, whereas health care is provided by LHAs, which
are branches of the national health care system. General
strategies and guidelines are defined at the regional level.
At the local level, the most important actors are the so-
cial and community health care districts, which adminis-
ter both social and community health care. Resource
administration is managed by LHAs, which balance the
stronger policy role of municipalities. The system is thus
highly decentralised and based on cooperation between
public social and community health programs and pro-
viders, which are often non-profit organisations.
In Lombardy, the Regional Directorate is responsible for

defining the policies, strategies, and guidelines for social
care interventions together with community health care
programs. The local system is directly steered by the re-
gional government and has a silo-based structure. The local
authorities that are responsible for social care are the social
districts, administrative aggregations of local governments
with coordination and management tasks. Community
health care programs are steered by LHAs, which are actu-
ally an operational arm of the regional government with
weak coordination with social care.
Financing is provided by a combination of different

sources: national financial resources (specific funds dedi-
cated to welfare interventions such as the National Fund
for Social Policies); regional resources; and local resources
(municipalities’ budgets). Today, national funds are highly

Longo et al. BMC Health Services Research (2015) 15:152 Page 7 of 12

irrelevant given the important reductions made in 2010
[41] that made them residual resources.
Resource allocation mechanisms differ based on the

different flows of resources. In Emilia-Romagna, for ex-
ample, the regional social fund is transferred to local
municipal authorities with per-capita criteria adjusted by
redistribution mechanisms that consider demographic
and social factors (i.e., number of resident immigrants;
number of children; dependency ratio), whereas the re-
gional LTC fund is transmitted on a per-capita basis to
the LHAs, which manage it.
In Lombardy, the social fund is allocated to the social dis-

tricts following a combination of historical expenditure cri-
teria and per-capita criteria. This fund is allocated first to
the LHAs, who then transmit it to the social districts and
also have an ex ante and ex post monitoring role. The
health care component of community health interventions
is transmitted to LHAs and managed directly by them
without any form of coordination with municipalities and
social districts.

Resources
The two systems are similar in terms of the public budget
allocated to welfare interventions, with the total per-capita
social care expenditures being 1.125 euro in Lombardy and
1.121 euro in Emilia-Romagna. These values are the sums
of the different cash and in-kind interventions that are pro-
vided to families from the different public actors who are
part of the social and community care systems. In both re-
gions, families receive, directly from the National Social
Insurance Institute, many cash allowances that can be used
to finance informal care and other form of assistance re-
lated to dependency and disability, with a significant per-
capita distribution, near 735 euro in Lombardy and 720
euro in Emilia-Romagna (data publicly available from the
website of the National Social Insurance Institute). Other
interventions are promoted from the regional and local
levels. In Lombardy in 2011, 390 euro per capita were made
available by these actors: 169 euro from the region, 123
euro from the municipalities, 5 euro from the province, and
93 euro paid directly by the citizens through copayments
for in-kind services. In Emilia-Romagna, the per-capita ex-
penditure on social care in 2012 amounted to 407 euro:
151 euro from the region, 187 euro from the municipalities,
9 euro from the province, and 54 euro paid directly by the
citizens through copayments for in-kind services.
This finding is noteworthy because the breakdown of

resources (money governed by public actors vs. money
provided by citizens through private resources or na-
tional cash allowances) shows similar patterns in the two
regions (see Table 2). In Lombardy, 74% of overall re-
sources are made directly available to citizens (828 euro,
of which 89% is offered through disability allowances
and the remaining through out-of-pocket expenditures

for copayment), and only 28% are controlled by public
actors (40% by municipalities, 59% by the region, and
only 1% by the province). In Emilia-Romagna, 69% of re-
sources are controlled directly by users (774 euro, of
which 85% is provided through disability allowances and
the remainder through out-of-pocket expenditures for
copayment) and only 31% by public institutions (50% by
municipalities, 40% by the region, and 10% by the
province). This evidence is particularly relevant if it is
interpreted with respect to policy definition and values:
although common wisdom and the dominant rhetoric in
the Italian debate on the welfare system posit that Lom-
bardy prioritises citizens’ welfare expenditure copayments
while Emilia-Romagna prioritises the public provision of
welfare services to citizens, the two systems are impres-
sively similar in their resource mix allocations.

Nature and geography of providers
With regard to the nature of the providers, and focusing
on the specific case of structures for LTC and disability,
in Lombardy 50,124 of the overall 62,249 existing beds
are owned and managed by private providers (80%). A
total of 95% of these beds are accredited by the region
(i.e., they meet defined quality requirements and deliver
services within a public scheme), and thus, they are fi-
nanced with regional and local funds for an average of
44% of the monthly cost per patient (on average, the
public revenues are 1,500 euro per patient per month),
whereas the other 56% are co-funded by patients them-
selves through copayment fees (1,650 euro per patient).
Quite surprisingly, with reference to the premises pre-

sented in the policy field definition and values paragraph,
private providers play a significant role in Emilia-Romagna.
In the province of Bologna, which is the most populous
and important province in Emilia-Romagna, 51% of the
existing beds in LTC structures are not contracted to any
public scheme and thus are entirely financed by users, for
an average required monthly family contribution of nearly
2,300 euro. The remaining 49% of beds are accredited and
contracted by public programs, which require users to pay
a fee amounting to approximately 45% of the monthly ser-
vice costs. This evidence stands in contrast to the values
declared by the two regional governments.
In both regions, public and private providers are gener-

ally characterised by small sizes and hyper-fragmentation,
mainly in dependency and disability residential care and
day care.
Here, we must highlight a typical Italian phenomenon,

namely, the existence of an important grey market of in-
formal caregivers for dependent elderly. Our evaluations
reveal that there are between 28,000 and 32,000 informal
caregivers in the Milan area (where the number of esti-
mated dependent elderly is approximately 40,000), with
private expenditures of 320 million euro per year, and

Table 2 Resources: per capita expenditures in the two regions

Mix of public and private resources – euro per capita Emilia-Romagna Percentage Lombardy Percentage

Regional funds € 151 13,47% € 169 15,02%

Municipal funds € 187 16,68% € 123 10,93%

Province funds € 9 0,80% € 5 0,44%

National cash allowances to families € 720 64,23% € 735 65,33%

Out-of-pocket expenditures € 54 4,82% € 93 8,27%

Total € 1.121 100,00% € 1.125 100,00%

Longo et al. BMC Health Services Research (2015) 15:152 Page 8 of 12

23,000 informal caregivers in the Bologna area (where
the number of estimated dependent elderly is 42,926),
with private expenditures of 280 million euro per year
(see Tables 3 and 4).

Service features and standards
With regard to service provision and standard defini-
tions, a number of elements may be considered (Table 5).
In Emilia-Romagna, social districts retain the purchasing
function for community interventions that are financed
with public resources. Providers may be contracted by
municipalities for social services and by LHAs. Public
production is frequent, and it is often realised by public
social service companies that are active in many social
care fields in both the residential and home care sectors.
Similarly, in Lombardy, social districts are responsible

for purchasing social care services, whereas LHAs con-
tract for community health services. Users (or citizens)
may be free to choose between different alternative pro-
viders from among those that have been contracted by
local authorities. Contracting out to private for-profit or
non-profit producers is preferred. Concerning the re-
gional intervention mix, we again found similarities. In
both regions, the expenditure is primarily dedicated to
dependent elderly (57% in Lombardy and 53% in Emilia-
Romagna), then to disabled adults (31% and 35%) and
families and children (6% and 10%).
In Lombardy, the average cost per user differs substan-

tially across regional areas: in the disability day care field,
for example, the annual cost incurred by families and public
actors may vary between 7,000 and 18,000 euro with an
average regional cost of 8,500 euro. For nursing homes for
the elderly, the annual cost incurred by families is 20,800
euro on average (out-of-pocket expenditure without con-
sidering public contribution). In Emilia-Romagna, the an-
nual cost of nursing care for families varies from 23,000 to
32,000 euro for non-contracted structures (51% of the total)

Table 3 Nature and geography of providers: financing mix

Service financing mix

Services managed by private providers

Providers who receive public funding

Cost per patients covered by public funding

and 18,000 euro per year for public contracted structures
(49% of the total) without considering public contributions.

Eligibility criteria and needs coverage
Eligibility criteria in both Emilia-Romagna and Lombardy
vary not only between different care fields but also between
different regional areas. Different social districts may use
different eligibility criteria, based, for example, on personal
income, family income, health conditions, or employment
status. If we consider the number of dependent elderly liv-
ing in the two regions (which we have estimated using the
national statistical prevalence index of dependency), we
discover that there are approximately 40,000 dependent
elderly in the Milan area and 43,000 in the Bologna area. If
we consider elderly who receive some type of service from
the public social care system, we find that this number cor-
responds to 25% of the potential dependent elderly in
Milan and 26% in Bologna. Making the same estimation
for disabled adults living in these two areas, we found that
only 20% in Milan and 28% in Bologna receive any type of
services from the public system.
Another major issue concerns the mechanism of ser-

vice provision in terms of the mixture of home, day, and
institutional care services. Lombardy’s system empha-
sises institutionalising patients who need LTC, with
more than 62,000 beds available (for 9.8 million inhabi-
tants). Home care is less prevalent, serving fewer than
15% of LTC patients. Emilia-Romagna shows a similar
endowment of structures dedicated to institutionalisa-
tion, offering 36,000 beds (for 4.4 million inhabitants).
Home care services are more prevalent in this region
and cover on average 28% of the need expressed by eld-
erly patients. The broad need that is unmet by publicly
funded services is primarily covered by informal care,
provided by either relatives or professional caregivers,
with very similar patterns found in both regions.

Emilia-Romagna Lombardy

51% 80%

49% 95%

55% 44%

Table 4 Nature and geography of providers: Informal care

Informal care Emilia-Romagnav Lombardy

Bologna area Milan area

Number of informal caregivers 23.000 28.000–32.000

Families’ out-of-pocket expenditures 280.000.000 euro per year 320.000.0000 euro per year

Longo et al. BMC Health Services Research (2015) 15:152 Page 9 of 12

Overall, the above analysis of the fragmentation in
financing and expenditures reveals similar conditions in
Lombardy’s and Emilia-Romagna’s care systems (see
Table 6). Most of the coordination activity that integrates
the service networks is conducted by families, who must
combine different types of public and private expenditures
to organise assistance for relatives who need care.

Discussion
The proposed framework helps us to compare the health
and social care systems in two prominent Italian regions:
Lombardy and Emilia-Romagna. These two regions have
highly different declared welfare values. Lombardy has
traditionally determined an overall accountability mech-
anism based on consumer choice and related financial
incentives to selected competitive providers. Meanwhile,
in Emilia-Romagna, there is a firm belief in the commu-
nity and in public planning to guide public interventions
towards creating partnerships.
Because of these differences in values, heterogeneous

governance structures have been implemented. Lom-
bardy has a more centralised system, whereas there is
more room for local governments in Emilia-Romagna.
Lombardy features a classic “silo”-based organisational
structure that separates social care and that is operated by
inter-municipal networks from community health care
and managed by LHAs. The community-based approach
used in Emilia-Romagna leaves room for local government
initiatives and the promotion of social capital. Public plan-
ning is crucial, and some room is also left for public pro-
viders. Integration between community health and social
care policies and budget management is regarded as a
means to fostering local government networks and co-
operation within communities.
Different values and governance arrangements are not

related to significant differences in resource allocation

Table 5 Service features and standards

Emilia-

Public actor in charge of service purchasing Social d

Service provision Public

Regional Government % of expenditure for dependent elderly 53%

Out of pocket expenditure of families for nursing homes 23.000–

for public welfare programs, and nor are they related to
differences in needs coverage. Ultimately, these different
systems invest the same amount of public resources, de-
fine comparable priorities, and register similar outcomes.
The collected evidence about the gaps between declared
values and policy rhetoric and the emergent system fea-
tures, is relevant to the proposed framework because the
findings suggest the importance of studying and compar-
ing public discourses and emergent policies to be able to
discuss their correlations.
We found that the suggested welfare assessment frame-

work used in this exercise was comprehensive and effi-
cient in capturing all of the relevant issues while at the
same time also establishing clear borders for the investi-
gated policy field to better understand its internal correla-
tions and dynamics. Combining values with governance
structures, providers and service features, per inhabitant
and per user expenditures, and the needs coverage levels
helps to build a complete view of welfare policies while
remaining sufficiently efficient and feasible for researchers
or policy analysts to be put into action.
Assessing welfare systems is broad and complex. There is

always the risk of being too general or losing sight of the
details. With the proposed framework, analysts and readers
obtain a general overview of welfare policies along with
some insights into crucial issues such as needs coverage,
the opportunity to consider different causal correlations,
and the ability to explore specific areas in depth while
retaining the opportunity to return quickly to the general
picture. To conclude, in the following paragraph, we discuss
the main pillars of our proposed framework and their im-
plications for policy analysis and design.

A tool box to assess welfare system: policy
recommendations and managerial issues
In synthesis, the two case studies show that significant ele-
ments of local welfare systems can be efficiently available for

Romagna Lombardy

istricts Social Districts for issues related to social care.

Local Health authorities for issues related to
community care

production is frequent Contracting out is frequent

57%

32.000 euro per year 20.800 euro per year

Table 6 Coverage of needs

Emilia-Romagna Lombardy

Bologna area Milan area

Number of resident dependent elderly Approximately 43.000 Approximately 40.000

Coverage of elderly (age > 65) dependents’ needs 26% 25%

Informal professional caregivers 23.000 30.000

Coverage of disabled adults (age 18–65) with needs 28% 20%

Longo et al. BMC Health Services Research (2015) 15:152 Page 10 of 12

policy makers and researchers who are interested in social
and community care if the proposed dimensions are used as
an interpretative framework.
Each of the proposed dimensions alone is useful for

shedding light on a specific issue, but crossed interpreta-
tions are also significant. Specifically:

1) The policy field dimension is needed to clearly
assess the boundaries of the welfare mission and, in
particular, which individual, citizen, and community
rights are protected. Moreover, this variable is
needed to clearly assess the system’s inspiring
theoretical assumptions and therefore its declared
orientation: Is the welfare system oriented towards
specific target groups or is it universalist? Is it
centred on community, family, or individuals?
Having a clear understanding of the system’s
assumptions and declared premises can help to
interpret the other welfare features and to find the
gap between formal and emerging welfare
arrangements.

2) The institutional governance of the policy field
dimension analyses the role of each public actor
within various governance arrangements. By
comparing the formal roles assigned to public actors
with the funding and provision mixes, we may better
understand the emergent institutional settings.
Previous research has explained that institutional
governance regulates four different items [22]: who
pools resources and how; how resources are
allocated and redistributed in the welfare system;
who plans and controls the structural providers and
the facility landscape and how; who purchases and
controls providers’ services or distributes cash to
users and how.

3) Resource mix entails a mix of public and private
financial resources and informal resources. This
approach helps researchers and policy makers to
understand the true importance of each actor
involved. Specifically, we consider all types of
resources that are dedicated by welfare systems to
meet individual or community rights: public and
private expenditures and financial and nonfinancial
resources. Examining the total amount of resources
available in a policy field helps in understanding the

overall potential of welfare interventions and the
mix between public and private expenditures, which
can be compared with the declared policy values.

4) The nature of service providers dimension
investigates public and private provider features: are
they for-profit or non-profit, formal or informal,
concentrated or fragmented? In addition, it relates
to the financing mix of private production to under-
stand the actual role of public and private actors.
Formal providers may be large and concentrated or
small and fragmented. They may have rich and
complete service portfolios that autonomously offer
integrated service bundles, or they may be very spe-
cialised and focused on limited care phases or pro-
cesses within a disintegrated service landscape. They
may be public, non-profit, or for-profit organisa-
tions. They may have different revenue mixes funded
by public agencies or private expenditures. Informal
providers may be relatives, friends, or even
individual caregivers paid by users. All of these fea-
tures can influences care arrangements and thus are
strategic issues to be monitored by policy makers.

5) The service features dimension analyses both
institutional settings with regard to service provision
and the realised mixture of interventions. This
variable is useful for understanding how policies are
implemented and which types of services are then
provided to citizens. Services may differ in their
quality standards and intervention intensity. Support
to users may be realised through cash or in-kind ser-
vices. Cash benefits may be used autonomously
without any oversight, or they may be discussed or
reported to a supporting agency. Services differ in
their contents and settings (home, day facilities,
institutions), and they may be offered on an
individual basis or through user groups.

6) With the coverage of needs dimension, we seek to
shed light on the effectiveness of social care systems
in meeting social needs, defined using
epidemiological baselines rather than solely
formalised demands. We take for granted the
assumption that social care eligibility criteria may
differ. They may be explicit and allow a broad range
of potential users to select only the appropriate gate
or program, or they may be implicit and slightly

Longo et al. BMC Health Services Research (2015) 15:152 Page 11 of 12

opaque, which reduces the number of potential
users who can make such a selection. Coverage of
needs, measured as the percentage of potential users
who benefit from public interventions, is a measure
of welfare inclusiveness.

Combining the perspectives on declared values and of-
ficial governance structures with a focus on expendi-
tures, service features, and needs coverage helps to
reveal both alignments and unexpected misalignments
between regional systems and between their declared
values and emerging strategies. In our exercise, two re-
gional governments that have always been considered
opposites in terms of their values, institutional arrange-
ments and results reveal similarities when their expendi-
tures, resource allocations, and outcomes are explored.
Using both case study research methods to investigate

these regions’ values and institutional arrangements with
hard evidence regarding cost per user, resource alloca-
tion, and needs coverage, among other areas, allows us
to better understand the dynamics of the two regional
systems. Under our approach, the case-study-based in-
terpretation of welfare policies is grounded in facts and
figures, and the data are selected and processed in light
of a strong research hypothesis based on declared pro-
grams and values to be verified [6]. In this light, the
proposed welfare assessment tool may incentivise inter-
disciplinary collaboration between welfare experts with
different backgrounds because they all converged into a
common analytical framework.
The framework is sufficiently flexible to allow for its

use in a very deep and analytic approach, when there is
an abundance of time and resources to perform the as-
sessment, but it may also be executed using a simplified
version by running only a few indicators for each of the six
suggested perspectives. This framework can be applied at
different levels of government (national, regional, local)
and can be used to compare two or many cases in a static
or, even better, longitudinal perspective. Collected data
may be easily used to promote focus groups and discussion
panels between welfare actors, scholars, and policy makers.

Conclusion
The aim of this paper was to empirically test the heuris-
tic efficacy of the proposed framework that was used to
analyse the complex relationships between public and
private actors in a mature welfare mix setting. Through
a theoretical framework and two case studies (the
Lombardy and Emilia-Romagna regions in Italy), we
showed that a double perspective is needed in these
sorts of analyses: a qualitative perspective to investigate
governance characteristics and typologies of services
delivered to citizens and a quantitative, evidence-based
perspective to examine the provided descriptions and

underline the possible differences between the planned
interventions, service geography, and needs coverage.
We demonstrated that public service provision de-

pends not only on declared values and formalised policy
programs but also on the interaction between different
actors, the allocation of governance functions (e.g., regu-
lations, financing, or service access), provider features
and the implicitly emergent perimeter of welfare.
The suggested assessment framework appears to be effi-

cient and feasible; it fosters interdisciplinary approaches
and supports policy-making discussions. This study may
contribute to building a deeper understanding of public
service provision and institutional arrangements to pro-
mote more effective reforms. The opportunity to apply
this assessment framework to many other different welfare
systems may advance future research.

Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no competing interests and attest to
their adherence to ethical standards. One of the authors, Stefano Tasselli, is
an associate editor at BMC Health Services Research. In our data collection
and analysis, we followed the regulations of the “Decreto Legislativo 231/
2001”, an Italian national law that regulates access to and the use of public
data by public administrations, hospitals, and other public institutions.

Authors’ contributions
All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

Acknowledgements
We would like to acknowledge the significant support received from
Giovanni Fosti, Andrea Rotolo, Monica Minelli, Eno Quargnolo, Cosimo
Palazzo, Rosella Petrali. They provided valuable contributions in discussing
the topics and objectives of this paper.

Received: 9 June 2014 Accepted: 18 March 2015

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  • Abstract
    • Background
    • Methods
    • Results
    • Conclusion
  • Background
    • Welfare mixes: Which mix can move the paradigm forward?
      • Welfare provision
      • Regulation and governance
      • Norms, values, and relationships
    • A framework for comparing and assessing welfare systems
    • Comparison between the welfare systems of the Lombardy and Emilia-Romagna regions
  • Methods
  • Results
    • Policy field definition and values
    • Governance rules
    • Resources
    • Nature and geography of providers
    • Service features and standards
    • Eligibility criteria and needs coverage
  • Discussion
    • A tool box to assess welfare system: policy recommendations and managerial issues
  • Conclusion
  • Competing interests
  • Authors’ contributions
  • Acknowledgements
  • References

CHAPTER 14

Financing Health Care

OBJECTIVES

1. Identify alternative sources of healthcare funding in the
United States.

2. Describe the effects of financing health care through
insurance premiums, tax subsidies, and mandated benefits.

3. Compare the effects of financing by insurance premiums,
payroll taxes, sales taxes, and income taxes.

4. Discuss the administrative cost of public and private
financing mechanisms.

5. Describe the effects of alternative ways of reimbursing
providers for services provided.

Hicks, Lanis. Economics of Health and Medical Care, Jones & Bartlett Learning, LLC, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/undip-ebooks/detail.action?docID=6031666.
Created from undip-ebooks on 2021-04-12 20:40:11.

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14.1 Introduction

This chapter examines, conceptually and empirically, the growth in
healthcare expenditures and the sources of financing of those
expenditures. As spending on healthcare goods and services
continues to increase, concerns are increasingly expressed about
the increase. It is important to distinguish between absolute
expenditures and the relative amount of expenditures on health
care. Preliminary estimates indicate that in 2018, the United States
spent $3.65 trillion on health care, an increase of 4.4% over 2017.
This amount of spending translates into $11,212 per capita, and
17.8% of the gross domestic product (GDP).

The concern should not be focused on the absolute size of
spending in the healthcare sector ($3.65 trillion), but rather on the
increasing share of total output that the healthcare sector is
consuming (17.8% of GDP). As a larger share of total output goes
to the healthcare sector, there are fewer resources available for
the production of other goods and services in the economy. As a
healthcare sector’s percent of GDP increases, questions are
increasingly being asked about the relative value of the goods and
services produced and whether the population might be better off
if the resources were reallocated to other sectors. While the United
States spends more per capita and a higher percent of its GDP on
healthcare goods and services than any other country, the health
status of its population is far from the best. As a result, attention is
focused on alternative ways of financing healthcare services in
order to try to reduce the rate of increase in spending.

The growth in healthcare spending has implications for the
financing of those expenditures and its sustainability. There are
three major methods of financing healthcare services—out-of-
pocket payments by the consumers, insurance premiums, and

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taxation—and within each category there are a number of different
financing techniques. Out-of-pocket payments by consumers
include amounts the insured population pays for deductibles,
copayments, coinsurance, and payments for services not covered,
and the uninsured are responsible for all services utilized, even
though some of the costs of those services become
uncompensated care by the providers. Insurance premiums can
be paid directly by the consumer, employer, governments, or a
combination. Also, taxes can be levied on income or on specific
products or services to finance health care. Further, the different
financing methods can interact: insurance premiums can be
excluded from taxation (as is the case in the United States) or can
be taxed; they can be part of a compensation package of
employees, or purchased individually with after-tax dollars.

Each method of financing healthcare services will impact
differently on groups of the population with different
characteristics, such as income level or family size. Determining
how the burden of each financing method will fall is not a simple or
straightforward matter. To illustrate, the burden of insurance
premiums that are paid out of pocket by consumers falls on the
consumers directly, but income taxes can influence this burden.
When insurance is obtained through the workplace (as is often the
case in the United States), the burden of payment is far from clear.
Furthermore, different kinds of taxes will have different impacts on
different groups within the population, especially due to variations
in income levels.

Economic analysis can be a very useful tool for assessing the
effects of these various finance methods. The first part of this
chapter examines how explanatory economics can be used to
analyze the burden of the various financing methods. How these
various financing methods can be assessed in terms of specific
criteria or policy objectives is also discussed.

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Different financing methods can also have substantially different
costs. In the case of private insurance, the insurance company will
incur the costs of marketing, rating alternative consumer groups,
paying providers, and monitoring and enforcing utilization. In the
case of government financing, there are the costs of collecting
taxes and administering public programs. A debate continues to
occur in the United States over whether healthcare coverage for
the population should be financed primarily through private
markets (with appropriate subsidies when necessary) or through
public financing. This chapter illustrates how economic analysis
can be used to compare these options.

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14.2 Insurance Terminology

A brief discussion of basic insurance concepts and terminology is
presented before analyzing the financing of health care. An
understanding of these insurance concepts is important since
these various concepts also have implications for the variety of
methods for financing health care and the burden of healthcare
costs.

When utilizing healthcare services, consumers may pay various
amounts toward the medical bill associated with those services.
Many insurance packages require the consumer to pay a
deductible before insurance pays anything. This deductible is a
flat, or fixed, amount that must be paid by the consumer before the
insurance company begins to pay all or part of the remaining
amount. To illustrate, an insurance package may require the
beneficiary to pay the first $1000 of medical expenses each year
before the insurance pays anything.

The use of deductibles has an impact on the administrative costs
of the insurance company. Since a deductible eliminates the
processing of claims for small amounts, the transaction costs
associated with paying small claims are avoided. The higher the
deductible the consumer must pay, the fewer the claims that will
need to be processed by the insurance company. However, the
use of deductibles, especially high deductibles, may be a deterrent
to accessing needed medical care for some beneficiaries. In
addition, the use of deductibles creates a greater burden on lower-
income individuals than on higher-income individuals since the
deductible represents a larger percentage of total income for the
lower-income beneficiary. Also, if the only feature of the plan is the
deductible, then the out-of-pocket cost to the beneficiary drops to
zero once the deductible is met. This raises the possibility of

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overuse of healthcare services once the deductible is met since
the consumer faces a zero price in the demand for health care.

Another common feature of insurance is the use of a copayment,
which requires the beneficiary to pay a fixed amount each time a
service is used. To illustrate, an insurance package may require
the beneficiary to pay $20 each time a visit is made to a primary
care physician, $50 each time a visit is made to a specialist, $75
each time a visit is made to an urgent care clinic, and $150 for
each visit to an emergency room. A copayment places similar
burdens on lower-income individuals as deductibles since they
represent a larger portion of the individual’s income. A copayment
would not have the same impact on administrative costs as
deductibles to the insurer because copayments do not necessarily
reduce the number of claims filed.

Coinsurance requires the beneficiary to pay a specified
percentage of the price of the medical service, and the insurance
company pays the balance. To illustrate, an insurance package
may require the individual to pay 20% of the price after any
deductible and the insurance company will pay 80%; the
copayment amount is not included in the price of the service
considered by the insurance company. Assuming that the price of
the medical encounter was $1000, if the beneficiary had a $500
deductible and 20% coinsurance rate, then the beneficiary would
have to pay $600 ($1000 − $500 + [$500 × 0.2] = $600) and the
insurance company would pay $400 ($1000 − $500 − [$500 × 0.8])
= $400. Since the deductible is subtracted from the price of the
service first, the insurance company does not pay the full stated
percent of the price of the service.

A coinsurance feature lowers the price of the covered medical care
by the percentage the insurance company pays; in this case, it
lowers the price to the consumer by 80% after the deductible. A
coinsurance feature reduces the price of the service, but still

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provides an incentive to be a cost-conscious consumer, because
the consumer pays a percentage of whatever the price is. The
actual impact will depend on the price elasticity of demand of the
consumer—the more price elastic, the greater the impact on
demand.

Many insurance plans included a “stop-loss” feature, which sets an
upper limit on the amount the consumer will have to pay. This
reduces the risk of a serious medical condition resulting in a
catastrophic loss to the individual. To illustrate, an insurance
package may contain the provision that once out-of-pocket
expenditures of the individual reach a specified amount (e.g.,
$10,000), then the insurance company will pay all remaining
medical expenses associated with covered services. The stop-loss
feature is typically an annual condition.

While stop-loss features apply to beneficiaries, insurance
companies seek protection by setting maximums and limits. To
illustrate, the insurance package may specify a maximum annual
amount it will cover, such as $250,000 of medical care or 60 days
of hospital care. The policy may also contain lifetime limits that the
insurance company will pay for medical expenses incurred by an
individual, such as a limit of $5 million for covered services by the
individual. These maximums and limits are not reached by most
individuals. However, the presence of the feature can raise the
fear that medical bankruptcy is a possibility, even for individuals
with good health insurance coverage.

The two basic methods of establishing insurance premiums are
community rating and experience rating. Under the community
rating method, all enrollees in the plan are charged the same
premium. Even community rating is usually separated into two
rates—one covers individuals (single coverage) and the other
provides family coverage. Under community rating, high users of
healthcare services in the insurance plan are subsidized by low

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users of healthcare services. If the low users determine that the
premiums are too high for the benefits they receive, these
individuals may simply drop coverage and become uninsured.
Also, the redistribution of resources from low users of healthcare
services to high users may actually result in the transfer of income
from low-income individuals to high-income individuals because
income level is not considered in establishing the premium. This
transfer of income from low-income to high-income individuals is in
conflict with most income redistribution policies.

Experience rating relies upon the characteristics of groups of
individuals or upon the prior experiences of those groups in
establishing the premium to be charged. As a result, different
groups within the plan are charged different rates depending upon
their expected use of healthcare services. Under this method,
individuals possessing characteristics associated with low risk are
charged a lower premium for the same package of covered
services than other groups with characteristics associated with
higher use. Under the experience rating method, the medical loss
ratio, benefits paid out divided by the premium for each of the
groups, is close to 1.0. The loading fee charged for plans using the
experience rating may be higher than plans using the community
rating because of the administrative costs of determining into
which group an individual will be classified. A loading fee is the
amount above the pure premium (amount of medical claims paid)
that the insurance company charges to cover such things as
marketing expenses, administration, claims processing, reserves,
and profits.

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14.3 Financing Means and Burdens in the
United States

Currently, in the United States, a variety of financing mechanisms
are used in health care. These mechanisms and the amounts
raised through each are shown in Table 14-1. As can be seen, a
total of $3.492 trillion was spent on health care in 2017. Of this
amount, $365.55 billion (about 10.47%) was financed by out-of-
pocket payments by consumers. In comparison, in 1965,
consumers financed about 43.5% of expenditures out of pocket.

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Table 14-1 Sources of Funds for National Health Expenditures,
1965 and 2017

A total of $1.139 trillion (33.9%) was financed through private
health insurance in 2017, compared to 23.8% in 1965. A reason

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for using 1965 as a comparative base is because that was the last
full year before the two major government health insurance
programs (Medicare and Medicaid) were implemented. Medicare
coverage began in January 1966, covering most individuals age
65 and older. Medicaid coverage began in July 1966, covering
certain low-income individuals. Medicaid provided coverage to
pregnant women, young children, and certain individuals with
disabilities with low income. Medicaid did not cover single
individuals regardless of income level.

The percentage of the under-65 population covered by private
health insurance declined between 2003 (at 68.9%) and 2010 (at
61.7%) but had increased again to 65.7% in 2017. The majority of
the population with private health insurance receive coverage
through employment-based insurance (58.2% of the under-65
population, or 88.6% of the privately insured population), with
11.4% of the privately insured purchasing individual policies
(Cohen, 2018; DeNavas-Wait, Proctor, & Smith, 2011).

As illustrated in Table 14-2, for individuals with employer-based
coverage, employers financed 82.8% of the $6896 of premiums for
single coverage employees in 2018 and 71.7% of the $19,616 for
family coverage. Between 1999 and 2018, both the premiums for
insurance coverage and the percentage of premiums paid by the
employee increased. As a result, the employee’s cost for single
coverage increased from $318 in 1999 to $1186 in 2018, and the
employee’s cost for family coverage increased from $1543 to
$5547 during that period (Claxton, Rae, Long, Damico, &
Whitmore, 2018).

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Table 14-2 Average Annual Premiums and Average Annual
Worker Premium Contributions Paid by Covered Worker for

Single and Family Coverage, 1999–2018

As shown by the data presented in Table 14-2 with regard to
health insurance provided through the workplace, the majority of
the premiums are paid for by employers, with a smaller amount
being paid for directly by employees. However, this does not mean
that the employers bear the burden of the majority of the health
insurance expenses. For one thing, premiums paid for by
employers are workplace benefits that are not subject to income
tax. Therefore, there is a sizable public subsidy given to
employees who obtain their insurance in this way; their taxes will
be lower than if their premiums were taxed at the same rate as
their wages. In addition, there is considerable evidence that when

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all the wage effects are taken into account, the employees do
indeed bear a major share of these premium costs through lower
direct wages, even if it does not appear that way initially.

The third form of finance that is used is public finance, or
programs funded through taxation. In 2017, over $1.94 trillion
(55.3%) of total financing for health care involved public programs
compared to 31.0% in 1965. Most of this 2017 amount (66.3%)
went to pay for the federal Medicare program, which covers
individuals 65 and over, those totally and permanently disabled,
and those with certain diseases, and the joint federal- state
Medicaid program, which is primarily for certain categories of
lower-income groups. These two programs are largely, but not
entirely, financed by taxation.

With regard to taxation, the major federal tax that pays for the
hospital portion (Part A) of Medicare is a payroll tax of 2.9% of all
wages, paid equally (1.45%) by employers and employees; self-
employed individuals pay the full amount of 2.9%. As of January
2013, individuals filing jointly pay an additional 0.9% on income
greater than $250,000 and single individuals pay the additional
0.9% on incomes over $200,000. The employers’ tax rate did not
increase from 1.45%. In addition, there is a Medicare “premium”
paid by enrolled beneficiaries for medical care (physician services)
and health maintenance organization (Part B) coverage, which
was $135.50 per month in 2019. This $135.50 is a base rate that
applies to single individuals with an income of $85,000 or less and
to beneficiaries filing jointly with income of $170,000 or less. Table
14-3 provides information on the premiums for individuals with
incomes above these levels.

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Table 14-3 Total Medicare Part B Monthly Premiums, 2019

Most of the remainder of the federal portion of healthcare
expenditures was raised through general taxation, the largest
portion from direct income taxation. Of the $1.94 trillion spent by
governments on health care, $335.0 billion was raised through
state government taxation. Most state taxation is in the form of
direct income and indirect sales taxes.

Table 14-1 provides an indication of the sources of the money
spent on health care, but Table 14-1 cannot be used directly to
assess the “burden” of healthcare financing (defined as the
reduction in real income due to payments and taxes). The
complexity of the situation and the prominent role played by each
of the financing methods calls for a much more detailed analysis.
Each financing method imposes different burdens on different
groups of the population. The pattern of these burdens will be
discussed after examining the burdens from a positive economic
perspective.

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14.4 Economic Analysis of Alternative
Payment Sources

This section presents economic analyses of alternative payment
methods. The focus of the analyses is the economic impact of the
payment methods on the resource owners (primarily employees
and owners of companies). Insurance premiums (in particular, the
impact of employer-paid premiums, taxation, and mandated
benefits) and taxation (the impact of payroll and sales taxes) are
examined.

A primary question relates to the economic impact of a tax, that is,
who actually ends up bearing the economic burden. The group
that bears the burden of the tax may not be the same group from
which the tax was originally collected. To illustrate, a government
tax on cigarettes may be collected from tobacco retailers (sellers).
However, to the extent that prices of tobacco products are higher
because of the tax, the economic burden is on the users of the
tobacco, who pay the higher price.

14.4.1 Private Health Insurance

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14.4.1.1 Insurance Premiums
Private health insurance can be obtained through the workplace or
by direct individual purchase. Health insurance obtained in the
workplace can be paid for directly by the employees (through
payroll deductions from after-tax dollars), by the employers, or by
a combination of employees and employers. There is no
controversy over the burden of premiums paid by employees or by
individuals; the purchasers bear the cost of their insurance
purchases.

The economic burden of employer-paid premiums is more
complicated. The cost of insurance benefit packages is viewed by
employers as an expense, much like wages are. An employer has
a demand curve for labor and will regard the costs of various
forms of compensation as monetarily equivalent. To illustrate, if the
marginal employee is worth (has a marginal value of) $100 to the
employer, then the employer will be willing to pay up to $100 in
compensation to the individual, whether the payment is in the form
of wages or fringe benefits or a combination (Kreuger &
Reinhardt, 1994). If benefits are increased, then the employer will
reduce monetary wages. Thus, the economic burden of all health
insurance benefits will fall on the employee, either directly (out of
pocket) or indirectly (through a lower wage).

14.4.1.2 Taxation and Insurance Premiums
Preferential tax treatment is provided for health insurance that is
obtained through the workplace. Both the employer and the
employee benefit from payments and contributions made in this
system. When the employer pays all or part of the insurance
premium for the employees, the employer’s payments are
excluded from income and payroll taxes the employer pays. In
most cases, the amount that the employees pay for their share of
the premium is also excluded from income and payroll taxes. In
addition, contributions that employers make to certain accounts for

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employees, such as flexible spending arrangements (FSAs),
health reimbursement arrangements (HRAs), and health savings
accounts (HSAs), to pay for employee healthcare costs are
excluded from income and payroll taxes as well. On average,
individuals that receive higher incomes and more expensive health
insurance plans receive larger subsidies. It is estimated that the
subsidy cost the federal government about $300 billion in foregone
revenue in 2018 (CBO, 2018).

Health insurance benefits paid by the employer are exempt from
personal income and the payroll taxes of the employee. This
reduces the cost to the employee of employer-paid health
insurance and increases the quantity demanded for health
insurance. However, it cannot be assumed that once a subsidy is
put into place, that the quantity demanded and supplied in the
insurance market will remain the same. To see why, consider the
analysis of a tax subsidy provided in the following illustration.

In Figure 14-1, the initial demand curve for health insurance (with
no tax subsidies) is D . According to this curve, when the premium
rate is $1000, a total of 75 individuals will be willing to shift their
risks to health insurers. According to the supply curve for
insurance (represented by S in Figure 14-1), insurers will be
willing to supply 75 insurance policies to individuals at the rate of
$1000, and the market is in equilibrium at a quantity of 75 and a
price of $1000.

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Figure 14-1 Effects of a subsidy on quantity of health insurance.
D represents the demand curve for insurance without a

subsidy; S represents the supply curve of insurance, and D
represents the demand curve with a $500 subsidy for

purchasing insurance.

© Jones & Bartlett Learning.

Assume that a 50% subsidy is introduced in the market. The effect
of the subsidy is to lower the out-of-pocket price for insurance at
every premium rate to potential demanders. Thus, at a premium
rate of $1000, the out-of-pocket price to the consumer is now
$500, and at this price an additional 25 individuals will be willing to
shift their risks to the insurer and purchase an insurance policy,
and so the quantity demanded will now be 100 policies. The
market demand curve will shift out to D .

When demand shifts out to D , there is excess quantity demanded
from the 25 additional individuals seeking insurance in the
subsidized market. In this illustration, interactions will occur in the
market forcing changes in the price until a new equilibrium is

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reached at which insurers are willing to supply 92 policies at a
price of $1350 and 92 individuals are willing to pay their 50% of
the new subsidized price. Generally, a higher supplier price will be
required to induce the insurers to accept more risks.

A more detailed explanation of the changes that occur in the
illustration is provided here. Initially, assume that there is no tax
subsidy for the purchase of insurance. Then 75 risks will be shifted
(or individuals insured) at a premium rate of $1000. This is the
equilibrium price and quantity as shown in Figure 14-1. Using this
position as a base point, a subsidy on premiums of 50% is
introduced, reflecting that, the individuals are in a 50% income tax
bracket and are allowed to deduct insurance premiums before
calculating income taxes (for simplicity, the influence of the payroll
taxes is ignored).

A preliminary analysis of the effects of the subsidy indicates that
the premium price would remain the same ($1000), but half would
be paid ($500) out of pocket by the consumer and the other half
would fall on taxpayers (because the individual would get a
subsidy of $500 lower taxable income so taxes would be
decreased that could have been used to fund a public program).
An economic analysis would result in a conclusion that the new
quantity on which the subsidy will be based is not the old quantity
demanded at a premium of $1000 nor the new quantity demanded
at the $500 out-of-pocket cost.

As shown in Figure 14-1, the subsidy raises the quantity
demanded at each price, and so more individuals will seek to shift
risks at the subsidized premium rate of $1000. However, suppliers
(insurers) will require higher premiums in order to accept more
risks (issue more policies). The premium rate will rise, and fewer
risks (policies issued) will be shifted than were originally indicated
by demand conditions alone. In the illustration, the final premium

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rate will be $1350, and at this price, risks of 92 individuals will be
shifted through insurance policies.

The cost of the new premium will be borne half by the consumer
and half by the taxpayers under the 50% subsidy assumption.
However, the amount of subsidy will be based on the new price of
$1350. And the quantity of risks shifted will be the new equilibrium
quantity. The final equilibrium (and the burden of the subsidy) will
depend on the elasticities of demand and supply. In the extreme, if
the supply curve were vertical, indicating no change in risks
shifted, then the analysis would indicate that the premium would
rise by the full amount of the subsidy. In this extreme case, the
taxpayers would pay a subsidy of $1000 based on a new premium
of $2000, with the risk of 75 individuals still being shifted.
Alternatively, if the supply curve is horizontal, indicating an
unlimited supply of risks accepted (policies issued) at a price of
$1000, the consumer would get a full $500 subsidy paid for by the
taxpayers; in this case, 100 risks would be shifted.

The analysis in this illustration does not take into account
subsequent effects of the increased insurance coverage on the
healthcare market. Nevertheless, even this simple analysis
indicates that the demand-and-supply analysis should be
considered when determining the full effects of a tax subsidy on
health insurance premiums.

14.4.1.3 Mandated Benefits
Mandated insurance benefits are government-required coverage
benefits that individuals must privately purchase or employers
must provide. Mandated benefits can have a considerable impact
on labor markets depending on how they are viewed by
consumers, and this impact will, in turn, affect the incidence of
benefits. The Affordable Care Act of 2003 mandated health
insurance coverage for individuals in the United States, and those

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individuals that did not purchase health insurance would be
assessed a penalty. Certain individuals were excluded from the
penalty if their income was below the threshold for filing a federal
income tax return ($10,400 for an individual or $20,800 for a family
in 2017), or if an individual or family had to pay more than 8.16%
of income for health insurance in 2017 after taking into account
any employer contributions or tax credits. Individuals were eligible
for a hardship exemption if an application for Medicaid was filed
but it was determined to be ineligible due to the state’s decision
not to expand the program. As of 2019, the penalty would no
longer be assessed although coverage is still mandated.

An illustration of an economic analysis of mandated benefits using
a labor market analysis is presented in Figure 14-2. In the initial
situation, there are no mandated benefits and the employer does
not provide insurance benefits. In this situation, the demand for
labor is shown as D , and the supply of labor is shown as S ;
equilibrium wages are at $80, and equilibrium employment is at
300 workers.

1 v = 0

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Figure 14-2 The effect of mandated insurance coverage on the
labor market. D represents the demand curve for labor without
benefits. D represents the demand curve for labor with $20 of
benefits. Supply curve S represents the supply of labor that
places no value on benefits. Supply curve Sv b represents the
supply of labor that values benefits and wages equally. Supply
curve Sv b represents the supply of labor that places less than

$20 of value on the benefits.

© Jones & Bartlett Learning.

Assume in the illustration that an initial wage of $60 was paid per
worker and then mandated insurance benefits that cost $20 per
worker are introduced. In terms of total compensation, the
employer’s demand curve for labor will remain the same because
the employer will still value each worker’s productivity the same.
However, when expressed in terms of the wage rate, the demand
curve will shift down by $20, because $20 is added to the wages
for each worker to calculate total compensation paid by the
employer. To adjust for the mandated benefits in terms of wages,

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v=0

=

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the new demand curve for labor is shifted down by $20 for each
quantity and becomes D .

An initial reaction might be to assume that the employees will bear
the entire burden of the mandated benefits and be forced to take a
$20 reduction in wages. In this situation employment would remain
at the same level. This would be the case only if the workers fully
value the benefits equally to wages (see curve S ). As shown,
the new wage price in this situation would be $60, with total
compensation valued at $80.

If the workers do not value the benefits at all, there will be a
reduction in wages (but not by the full $20 of the benefit). In this
illustration, it is assumed wages will decrease to $70 (or some
amount, depending on the elasticity of labor supply). There will
also be a reduction in employment because of the lower wage.
The burden of the mandate will then fall, to some degree, on the
workers who lose employment. If benefits are only partially valued
(reflected in supply curve S ), the net result will be somewhere
between these two situations.

In an extreme case, such as a vertical supply curve, there will be
no employment effect, but a full wage effect. In fact, an earlier
analysis of mandated benefits showed that this result is
approximated in reality (Kreuger & Reinhardt, 1994), and so the
workers bear the full burden of the mandate. In sum then,
mandated benefits may have similar effects to those that might be
concluded without a more formal economic analysis. However, this
result is the case only if the supply curve of labor is, in reality,
close to vertical (zero elasticity) in the relevant ranges.

14.4.2 Taxation
Much health care (55.63%) is publicly funded, and much of the
funding comes through taxation. Regardless of how taxes are
configured, they can be regarded as reductions in income or

2

v = b

v < b

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wealth without any direct corresponding benefits. While it is true
that benefits may come as a result of the use of the funds received
from taxation, these benefits are not directly linked to payment of
the taxes. It is not realistic to attempt to link the benefits resulting
from the spending of taxes to the costs of the taxes themselves.

In terms of taxation, the taxing mechanisms can be either direct or
indirect. Direct taxes are those that are specifically levied on the
income of individuals and businesses. These direct taxes cannot
therefore be shifted (i.e., the burden of the tax cannot be made to
fall on someone other than the taxpayer). Indirect taxes that are
placed on goods and services can be shifted (in essence, avoided)
to some degree. Economic analysis is useful in determining the
economic impact and burden of taxation. In the next section, the
burden of two types of taxes commonly used to finance health
care—payroll taxes and sales taxes—are analyzed.

14.4.2.1 Payroll Taxes
A payroll tax is levied on wages. Medicare, for example, uses a
payroll (social security) tax of 1.45% of total payroll (the rate is
payable by both the employer and employee for a total of 2.9%) to
finance the hospital (part A) portion of Medicare. Self-employed
individuals are responsible for paying the full 2.9%. The burden of
an employee-paid payroll tax is quite clear: it is paid by the worker.
However, because it lowers take-home wages, some workers may
decide not to supply labor at the lower wage. Employment in the
economy will therefore be decreased. The burden of the payroll
tax on employees is thus equally shared among workers. The
economic effects resulting from the imposition of a payroll tax that
is paid by employers is less clear and deserves closer attention.

In Figure 14-3, the analysis of the effect of a payroll tax on labor
and wages is introduced. In the illustration assume there is a
competitive labor market with a given supply of labor (S) and a

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given demand for labor (D ). The output measure is labor hours,
and, in this market, equilibrium occurs with a wage rate of $40 per
unit and a quantity of 300 labor hours. In this illustration a very
steep supply curve for labor has been drawn. This steep curve
indicates that workers will not change their work habits very much
when wages increase or decrease. If the supply curve has been
drawn as a vertical line, it would indicate that the workers would
not change their employment habits at all. In an economy when
many workers do not have the flexibility of reducing hours worked
in small increments (e.g., they must either work full-time or only a
set number of hours as part time) a vertical supply curve may be
more applicable.

Figure 14-3 Effects of imposing an employer-paid payroll tax. S
represents the initial supply of Labor. D represents demand

without the payroll tax. D represents demand with a payroll tax.
The original equilibrium is 300 hours at $40. The new

equilibrium is 280 hours at $22.

© Jones & Bartlett Learning.

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In this illustration, assume an employer-paid payroll tax of 100% of
wages is introduced. If the employers are in a competitive industry,
the price of their output cannot be increased. As a result, their
demand-for-labor curve cannot be increased through offering
higher prices. Therefore, the employers would have to either
absorb the tax or lower wages paid to workers. An initial inclination
might be to say that wages would stay at $40, the payroll taxes of
$40 would be paid by the employer, and employment numbers
would remain the same. This is a very unlikely outcome given the
forces behind the employment of labor.

Figure 14-3 presents an economic analysis of what would be
more likely to happen. The effect of an employer-based payroll tax
is to shift down the demand-for-labor curve, which is based on the
marginal revenue of the product that labor produces. In this
illustration, at a wage of $20, each employer must pay a tax of $20
(which is 100% of the wage). Each worker now costs twice as
much as previously to the firm. Therefore, where the employers
formerly demanded 300 labor hours when the wage was $40, they
will now demand 300 hours of labor at a wage of $20. This last
condition occurs because the tax in this illustration is expressed as
a percentage of wages. In this situation, the new demand-for-labor
curve (in terms of wages) is a fixed percentage lower than the
original one. Under this condition of a percentage of wages, the
higher the wage, the greater the discrepancy between the original
and new demand curves.

With the employers’ demand-for-labor curve (in terms of wages)
shifting downward and to the left, employees will receive lower
wages. In this illustration the new equilibrium volume of labor and
the corresponding wage rate are just under 300 hours and just
over $22. This means that the quantity of labor will have changed
very little, but the wage rate will have fallen by almost the full
amount of the tax. The workers have not substituted away from

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working (working fewer hours) and therefore have borne almost
the entire burden of the tax through a reduction in their wage rate.
In this case, the supply-of-labor curve is almost vertical, and
workers would rather accept lower wages than lose employment.

Other situations in the market for labor are possible with the
introduction of a payroll tax. To illustrate, if workers were very
sensitive to the wage rates they receive, and the resulting supply-
of-labor curve was close to horizontal, the labor supply would
decrease when wages declined. In this instance, the workers
would avoid the tax entirely by refusing to work at lower wages. At
the new wage, the tax would have been shifted to the employers,
who also would hire fewer workers because of the increased cost
of production.

The effect of the payroll tax then will be to reduce employment and
wages. How much of the payroll tax will be borne by the workers
(through a decrease in wages) will depend on how much the
workers are willing and able to adjust their wages and their work—
information that is summarized by the supply-of-labor curve.

14.4.2.2 Sales Taxes
A very similar analysis applies to the use of sales taxes as a
mechanism to generate revenue. A sales tax is levied on a good or
service sold in the market. Most states use sales taxes as a major
source of revenue. Sales taxes can be general (the taxes placed
on all items bought and sold in the market), a modified general
sales tax (the taxes placed on most items except, for example,
food sold in grocery stores, pharmaceutical products, and
children’s clothes), or a very specific sales tax (the taxes placed
on such items as gasoline, alcohol, tobacco products, etc.). In the
case of tobacco and alcohol, these sales taxes may affect
consumer behavior with regard to drinking and smoking and thus
have an impact on health status (and healthcare demand). This

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was certainly the rationale provided for a large tobacco tax that the
state of Maine imposed in order to pay for more publicly funded
healthcare benefits in the 1980s.

In order to analyze the effects of sales taxes, a sales tax on
prescription drugs will be used as an illustration. The initial
situation, without the imposition of a sales tax, is shown in Figure
14-4. The demand for the prescription drugs is shown by the
demand curve (D). This represents the demand by consumers for
the prescription drugs. There is also a curve for the supply of
prescription drugs without the sales tax (represented by S ). In a
competitive market, equilibrium will occur in this illustration at a
price of $40 and a quantity of 200 prescriptions filled (at the
intersection of D and S ).

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Figure 14-4 The effects of a sales tax. D represents the
demand curve for prescriptions. S represents the original

supply curve without a sales tax. S represents the new supply
curve with supplier paying the tax. The original equilibrium is at

price of $40 and quantity of 200 prescriptions. The new
equilibrium is at price of $50 and quantity at 150 prescriptions;

the tax is split between pharmacist and consumer.

© Jones & Bartlett Learning.

In the illustration assume a sales tax of $20 on each prescription is
imposed, to be paid by the pharmacists filling the prescriptions.
The initial conclusion might be to assume the pharmacists will
simply raise the price of each prescription to $60 and collect the
tax on each of the 200 prescriptions filled. Such a result, however,
would occur only if the demand curve for prescriptions was vertical
and consumers would demand their prescriptions filled regardless
of price. Such a situation is not a realistic scenario in the case of
prescription drugs or most other goods and services. There is an

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elasticity of demand for prescription drugs, as indicated by the
downward-sloping demand curve.

The sales tax on prescription drugs will cause the prices charged
by the pharmacists to increase (if they pay the tax). At first the
pharmacists might charge $60 for each prescription filled (although
they would receive a net income of $40, as before since they must
pay the $20 sales tax). But there is a limit to what consumers will
pay for their prescription drugs. In this illustration, some
consumers will refuse (or be unable) to fill their prescriptions, thus
avoiding the sales tax entirely. In this illustration a new equilibrium
will be reached at $50 per prescription filled, and only 150
prescriptions will be filled. The pharmacists will receive a net
revenue of only $30 for each prescription and will supply fewer
(150 at the net-after-tax price of $30).

In this illustration the market will have shifted part of the tax onto
the pharmacists, who now pay one-half of it by receiving a lower
price. The consumers end up paying $10 of the prescription tax by
reducing the quantity they demand. The burden of the sales tax
will thus be shared. It should be emphasized that other possible
outcomes can occur, depending on the slopes of the supply and
demand curves. However, it is not likely that all of the sales tax will
be borne by the consumers.

As discussed earlier, sales taxes on a variety of products related
to health are very common. Many states impose a tax on health
insurance premiums. Such a tax will have an effect on the number
of individuals who shift their risks (purchase a health insurance
policy) to an insurer, and it can be analyzed using the basic sales
tax model.

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14.5 The Implications of Alternative Types
of Healthcare Financing

In this section, attention turns to the implications of alternative
types of healthcare financing. The term implications does not have
a precise meaning in this context. The term is used to denote the
pattern of distribution of burdens of various financing methods
(Due, 1957). The focus in this analysis will be on one key
characteristic of individuals—their level of income—and four
different types of financing: insurance premiums, income taxes,
sales taxes, and payroll taxes. Although highly simplified, the
analysis in this section is intended to provide a basic
understanding of the major issues involved in using taxes to
finance health care.

In evaluating the implications of taxes, the focus is on how
regressive the tax is. A tax is considered to be regressive if it has
a larger relative impact on the income of lower-income individuals
than it has on the incomes of higher-income individuals. A tax is
considered to be progressive if it has a larger relative impact on
the incomes of higher-income individuals than on lower-income
individuals. A tax is considered to be neutral if it has the same
relative impact on all income cohorts. The impact of a tax on
income is viewed as a relative burden on the various income
cohorts.

Assume in this illustration that there are four income groups, and
each group includes 100 families (see Table 14-4). Each family in
the lowest income group has earnings of $20,000; in the next-
lowest group, income of $40,000; in the third group, income of
$60,000; and in the highest income group, an income of $80,000.

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Table 14-4 Income and Expenditures for Four Income Groups

Assume each family, regardless of income group, incurs
healthcare expenditures of $5000. There are no differences in
healthcare utilization by income level. However, all expenditures
are financed by insurance, and the out-of-pocket cost to each
family is zero. Total healthcare expenses for all groups is $2
million ($5000 × 400 families = $2,000,000).

Each family’s total consumption of goods and services, including
food, utilities, etc., but not health care, is provided in column 5 of
Table 14-4. The lowest income group spends all it earns on goods
and services, the next group spends 90%, the third group spends
80%, and the highest income group spends 70%. The members of
a group save what they do not spend. If they have to pay for
health care, they will reduce other expenditures but will not reduce
their savings. If they do pay for health care itself it will be paid for
through the purchase of insurance.

The financing problem to be resolved is how to pay for the $2
million in healthcare expenses incurred by the population. There
are four options available to finance the expenses: insurance
premiums, a sales tax, a payroll tax, and an income tax. The task
is to determine the impact of each type of financing on the different
income groups. The conclusions reached in this illustration are
summarized in Figure 14-5.

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Figure 14-5 Implications of different financing mechanisms.
Premiums are the most regressive source of financing. Income
tax is the most progressive source of financing. Sales tax and
payroll tax fall in between. In this illustration payroll tax and

sales tax are still somewhat regressive.

© Jones & Bartlett Learning.

Premiums. Each family in this illustration bears the same risk of
incurring $5000 of health expenses, and so it might seem
reasonable to simply charge every family the same premium rate
(use a community rating). There are 400 families, and $2 million in
healthcare funds must be raised (assume no loading fee is
collected for simplicity). Therefore, each family will pay a premium
of $5000 for insurance coverage.

The burden of this financing method on each family is calculated
as the premium paid divided by the family income. This would
result in a burden of 25% ($5000 / $20,000) for the lowest income
families, 12.5% for the families earning $40,000, a total of 8.3% for
the families earning $60,000, and 6.25% for the highest income

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families. The impact of community rate premiums is such that the
burden decreases steadily as income increases.

Payroll Taxes. In the case of a payroll tax, a fixed percentage of
wages is charged, but there is usually a cap above which income
is not taxed. In this illustration, assume that this cap is $60,000.
This means that all wages up to and including $60,000 are taxed.
The members of the highest income group (those earning
$80,000) will pay taxes on only the first $60,000 of their wages.
Total taxable wages are therefore $18 million for all families since
$20,000 of each of the 100 families in the highest income group is
not taxed. In order to raise the required $2 million, a tax rate of
11.1% ($2 million / $18 million) must be levied on all wages up to
$60,000.

The burden of the tax will be the same for the three groups whose
members have incomes at or below $60,000; the amounts paid by
each of these three groups vary, but the rate is the same at 11.1%.
However, the highest income group pays only $6660 in payroll
taxes per family, for an effective tax rate of 8.325%. As shown in
Figure 14-5, the burden of the payroll tax is the same for the three
lowest groups but decreases for the highest income group.

Sales Taxes. Sales taxes can be imposed on any of a variety of
consumption expenditures. Assume in this illustration that sales
taxes are imposed on all consumption expenditures. Sales taxes
are also not imposed on savings, which, as mentioned earlier, vary
by income cohort: no savings for families with incomes of $20,000,
10% savings for families with incomes of $40,000, 20% savings for
families with incomes of $60,000, and 30% savings for families
with incomes of $80,000 Total consumption expenditures for other
goods and services for all families therefore equal $16 million. In
order to raise the required $2 million in funds, the overall sales tax
rate must be 12.5% ($2 million / 16 million). The lowest income
group pays $250,000 on its $2 million in expenditures; the next

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group pays $450,000 on its $3.6 million in expenditures; the next
group pays $600,000 on its $4.8 million in expenditures; and the
highest income group pays $700,000 on its $5.6 million in
expenditures.

Income Taxation. The burden of the income tax will depend on the
actual tax rates, and these are subject to policy decisions by
Congress. Assume in this illustration that the tax rates are such
that the highest income class pays roughly four times the rate of
the lowest group. This is very roughly the ratio in the United States
today. Specifically, assume in this illustration that given an average
overall rate, the lowest group will pay 40% of this rate (i.e., 0.4),
the second group will pay 80% of the rate, the third-highest group
will pay 120% of the rate, and the highest group will pay 160% of
the rate. Let x stand for the overall tax rate. The overall rate can
be determined by solving for x in this equation:

The $2 million is the amount to be collected by the income tax. If
the equation is solved for x, the average overall rate is found to be
8.33%. Based on the ratios determined by “policy,” the four groups
pay 3.33% (8.33 × 0.4), 6.64%, 9.99%, and 13.33% of income in
income taxes, respectively.

The overall impact of the funding methods can be compared.
Premiums are the most “regressive” and income taxes are the
most “progressive.” The other two methods fall in between (under
the assumptions in this illustration, the last two methods are mildly
regressive).

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Omitted from the analysis in this illustration are out-of-pocket
expenditures. The use of this type of financing will result in lower
overall usage (because of the downward-sloping demand curve for
health care). Thus, if families had to pay out of pocket for health
care, total expenditures would likely fall below $2 million. The
overall burden would depend on the response of each income
group.

The assessment of financing options will depend on the policy
goals. Much of the focus in evaluating types of financing is on
considerations of equity. However, efficiency issues need to be
addressed as well.

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14.6 The Administrative Cost of Alternative
Types of Healthcare Financing

There has been a lively debate in recent years about
administrative costs associated with the healthcare financing
system in the United States. Much of the debate has been focused
on the costs associated with the marketing of health insurance and
hospital services; the monitoring of utilization and the regulating of
payment by insurers; the billing of third parties by providers; and
the collecting of deductibles, coinsurance, and copayments from
patients by providers. Because of the complexity of the U.S.
system of healthcare finance, more resources are devoted to
these functions than in other healthcare systems, such as those of
Canada and the United Kingdom. A study conducted using 1987
data estimated that between $96 billion and $120 billion were
spent on administration in the United States, out of a total spent of
$488 billion for all healthcare-related services (Woolhandler &
Himmelstein, 1991). This study primarily added up the money
costs of these functions.

Pozen and Cutler (2010) found that the largest difference in
spending between the United States and Canada was in
administrative costs, with 44% more administrative staff in the
United States than in Canada. When all administrative costs were
included, they found administrative costs accounted for 39% of the
difference between the United States and Canada. Other authors
(Blanchfield, Heffernan, Osgood, Sheehan, & Meyer, 2010;
Davis et al., 2007; Luxembourg Income Study, 2011) have also
found that the United States has many more administrative staff
than do other countries. Cutler and Ly (2011) provide an excellent
overview of comparative administrative findings.

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A paper by Pearson (2018) re-verified that not only does the
United States spend more on direct patient care than other
countries, but that the United States also spends more on
healthcare administration. While it is difficult to identify exactly how
much the United States spends on healthcare administration, the
consensus is that it is substantial and continuing to grow.

One of the largest subcategories of health administration spending
relates to billing and insurance-related (BIR) costs. The Center for
American Progress estimated that United States payers and
providers will spend $496 billion on billing and insurance-related
administrative costs in 2019.

A 2014 study by Himmelstein et al. compared hospital
administrative costs in eight nations and found that the costs in the
United States exceeded all other countries. They found
administrative costs in the United States accounted for 25.3% of
the total hospital expenditures. The Netherlands had the next
highest expense at 19.8% and England spent 15.5% on hospital
administration.

Tseng, Kaplan, Richman, Shah, and Schulman (2018) found
that administrative costs associated with physician billing and
insurance-related activities in an academic health system
accounted for $20 of a primary care visit and $215 for an inpatient
surgical procedure. These physician-related administrative costs
represented 3%–25% of all professional revenue in 2016–2017.
Jiwani, Himmelstein, Woolhandler, and Kahn (2014)
investigated BIR costs in the United States and found that these
costs were between $330 and $597 billion in 2012. They
concluded that the multi-payer system in the United States
represented 80% of the difference in cost between the United
States and a simplified financing system.

In examining the administrative costs in health care, it is important
to keep in mind that sound administration is critical to a well-

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functioning organization or healthcare system. The United States
has a very complex structure for its administration and so careful
evaluation needs to be performed to determine the benefits that
are associated with the costs. As efforts are undertaken to attempt
to control rising costs in health care, the functioning of the
administration of the system also needs to be considered. The
multi-payer system in the United States adds to the complexity of
its administration and providers often have to deal with insurance
coverage, eligibility, and billing requirements that vary across
payers, requiring additional administrative effort.

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14.7 Payment Mechanisms

The healthcare industry has been facing a number of changes in
payment systems recently, and indications are that even more
changes are looming in the future. A difficulty emerging in the
implementation of different payment mechanisms is that there is a
disconnect between the external payment systems being
implemented and the internal methods that have been used to
distribute resources within the organizations. Historically, the
healthcare system has been a production-based system, receiving
compensation for services produced. The incentive in any
production-based system is simply to produce more units, as long
as the cost of production is less than the market price received for
the unit.

Complicating the production decisions in the healthcare system is
the existence of health insurance programs that isolate production
decisions from the cost of services utilized and the ability of
insurance companies to simply pass the increased costs on to
employers and governments, the purchasers of the majority of
insurance plans. As healthcare costs began to impinge
significantly on the other sectors of the economy, efforts emerged
to change the payment incentives in the healthcare industry,
especially as the increasing costs did not result in a concomitant
improvement in the health status of the population. As attention
has focused on controlling the rate of increase in healthcare
expenditures, such alternative payment methods as pay for
performance, shared savings, bundled payments, and global
capitation have been introduced.

14.7.1 Pay for Performance
Pay for performance was introduced to provide incentives to
providers to improve the quality of care delivered. This occurred as

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evidence mounted regarding the underuse, overuse, and misuse
of treatments within the healthcare system. The Committee on
Redesigning Health Insurance Performance Measures,
Payment, and Performance Improvement Programs (2007)
defined pay for performance (P4P) as “the systematic and
deliberate use of payment incentives that recognize and reward
high levels of quality and quality improvement” (p. 5). Pay for
performance is designed to offer incentives to encourage the
healthcare system to move from its current volume-based
structure toward different organizational and individual behaviors.
The goal of P4P is to result in better quality and improved
outcomes for patients in the population.

In most markets, incentives induce producers and/or consumers to
behave or respond in predictable ways. These incentives focus on
the identification of desired attributes and provide rewards or
penalties in order to stimulate additional production of those
attributes. The goal of the P4P model in health care is to motivate
constructive change in the system by explicitly linking incentives to
the quality and performance of the providers within the healthcare
system. The difficulty in implementing P4P is in developing a
framework that incorporates the complexity of the clinical
situations to be included, the diversity of the environments in
which care is provided, and the resources necessary to comply
with the requirements of the system.

A critical and difficult issue in any P4P system is the selection of
the priority quality dimensions and the establishment of the
measures to be used to assess performance and quality. This is
especially difficult in health care because focusing on one domain
of quality may lead to reductions in other domains of quality.
Another aspect to be considered in designing a P4P mechanism
for health care is determining whether the focus should be on
improvement in quality or on achieving a recognized threshold of

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desired quality, or both. The P4P system must also be capable of
incorporating new measures as the healthcare system evolves;
innovations and discoveries in health care should be encouraged.
In addition, the incentive created should have a sufficient impact
upon the revenues of the provider to influence their decisions, but
not be so onerous as to compel providers to leave the system.

Pay-for-performance is a primary tool that has been used to
achieve healthcare reform. In the development and
implementation of P4P, a number of diverse types with
heterogeneous incentives have been implemented, making
evaluation of its effects somewhat difficult. In an evaluation by Van
Herck et al. (2010) the effect domains assessed were: clinical-
effectiveness, access and equity, coordination and continuity,
patient-centeredness, and cost-effectiveness. In their review of
128 evaluation studies, the authors concluded that the effects
achieved by P4P varied by the design choices and the
characteristics of the context in which it was introduced. In their
review of these studies, the authors found that process indicators
generally yielded higher improvement rates than outcome
measures, with intermediate outcome measures yielding rates in
between process and outcome measures. The incentives that
provided a financial reward appeared to generate more positive
effects than did competitive incentives that resulted in winners and
losers.

Figueroa, Tsugawa, Zheng, Orav, and Kjha (2016) examined the
association between the value-based purchasing pay for
performance incentive program introduced by Medicare and the
30-day mortality rate in U.S. hospitals for acute myocardial
infarction, heart failure, and pneumonia. They did not find any
subgroup of hospitals that implemented the program had better
outcomes, including the poor-performing hospitals at baseline.

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These authors did not find any evidence that the value-based P4P
program led to lower mortality rates.

Under the Medicare value-based program hospitals were
rewarded or penalized based on their performance on a number of
domains of care, including clinical processes and clinical
outcomes of the three conditions evaluated as well as patient
experiences and cost efficiency. Under this system, which is
designed to be budget neutral, Medicare withholds a percentage
of inpatient payments to prospectively paid hospitals and then
redistributes the money back to hospitals based on their
performance. In 2015, 1360 hospitals received penalties and 1700
hospitals received bonus payments.

Another program that has been introduced by Medicare is the
hospital readmissions reduction program. This program
implemented a financial penalty to reduce payment to hospitals
with excessive 30-day inpatient readmissions for pneumonia,
acute myocardial infarction, and heart failure. Lu, Huang, and
Johnson (2016) found a significant reduction in excessive
readmissions for these three conditions between 2013 and 2015,
especially in small hospitals, public hospitals, and hospitals
located in rural areas.

Medicare has undergone a number of changes in how it pays
hospitals, especially since the Affordable Care Act introduced
three programs that link Medicare payment to hospital
performance in the areas of quality, efficiency, outcomes, and
patient experiences. Earlier the 2003 Medicare Prescription Drug
Improvement and Modernization Act initiated the hospital inpatient
quality reporting program under which hospitals were required to
report on a specified set of quality measures. If a hospital does not
report the indicators, they receive a payment reduction. Aggregate
hospital performance on required quality measures has improved
since the requirement began. In 2012, Medicare began

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implementing the ACA-mandated Hospital Value-Based
Purchasing Program and the Hospital Readmission Reduction
Program. In 2015, the Hospital-Acquired Conditions Reduction
Program began. With the introduction of these programs, by 2017
hospitals were at risk for losing as much as 6% of base operating
payment, or 5% of total operating payments under these three
programs. Under the Hospital Acquired Conditions Reduction
Program, a 1% reduction in the total inpatient prospective payment
system (IPPS) payments is levied against hospitals with scores
(based on hospital infection rates and patient safety measures) in
the worst-performing quartile of hospitals.

Kahn et al. (2015) evaluated the impact these three programs,
taken together, had on hospital performance and payments during
FY 2015. The authors concluded that these Medicare pay-for-
performance programs have had a significant effect on hospital
payments, particularly when the combined effects of the three
programs are considered. The performance of hospitals where the
various performance matrices are improving is consistent with the
incentives created by the programs. The authors point out that
appending quality programs to a payment system that is intended
to cover the cost of an efficient provider of best care may create
onerous outcomes for the providers. Including additional penalties
on that payment system, especially with almost two-thirds of
hospitals already experiencing negative Medicare patient margins,
may be problematic. A more rational approach to aligning payment
policy with quality outcomes needs to be considered at this time.

Shih, Nicholas, Thumma, Birkmeyer, and Dimick (2014)
examined the incentive design of the second phase of the
Medicare P4P program, the Premier Hospital Quality Incentive
Demonstration Project, to determine if surgical mortality or
complication rates in participating hospitals were reduced. This
program, initiated in 2003, was designed to reward high-

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performing hospitals. Its incentive structure was redesigned in
2006 to also reward hospitals for achieving significant
improvement. The authors found that there were lower risk-
adjusted mortality rates for both cardiac and orthopedic patients
after the incentives were restructured in 2006. However, mortality
for CABG or joint replacement did not demonstrate significant
improvements. Similarly, significant improvements in serious
complications for CABG or joint replacement were not achieved.
Also, the worst quintile hospitals targeted in the incentive structure
changes did not show a change in mortality or serious
complication rates. The authors concluded that significant
redesign of the incentives in the program would need to be made
in order for the P4P strategy to be successful.

14.7.2 Bundled Payments
The generic term bundled payments is known by a variety of
names, such as case rate, global payment, package pricing,
episode-based payment, comprehensive care payment, and
evidence-based case rate. Regardless of the term used, it is a
payment method based on the costs expected to be incurred in
the provision of a clinically defined episode of care, adjusted for
the severity and complexity of a patient’s condition. Bundled
payments are viewed as a blend of fee-for-service and capitation
payments, discouraging the provision of unnecessary care and
encouraging the coordination of care across providers, but not
penalizing providers who care for sicker patients in their practice.
The goal of bundled payment is to reduce fragmentation of care,
thereby improving quality and reducing costs. The use of bundled
payments should encourage providers within the system to
reorganize how care is delivered so that it is coordinated and
responsive to the needs of patients.

Under a bundled payment system, the services that are required
by patients during a single illness or a course of treatment for a

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chronic disease are defined across providers and settings—the
services are bundled into a single package of services. Once the
required services are defined, a target price is established for the
bundle. This target price reflects the total amount that will be paid
for the episode of care, and all providers involved in the provision
of services are covered under that price. This comprehensive price
provides an incentive for the coordination of care in order to keep
the costs of producing the services below the price established.
Within the provider network, decisions have to be made on how to
allocate the global revenue among the participating providers
rendering services to the patient.

A number of barriers are encountered in the development of a
bundled payment system. A major problem encountered is
deciding just when an episode of care begins and ends. For an
acute illness of limited duration, this is manageable. For chronic
conditions lasting for extended periods of time, this is difficult to
determine because, by definition, a chronic condition is a disease
or illness that is persistent and long-lasting. Currently, an episode
is typically defined for a specified period of time, such as 30–90
days after discharge from an acute care facility or after the first
visit to a provider for the condition. The bundled payment is
applied only to that particular illness or disease, which differs from
capitation, which covers all illnesses experienced by an enrolled
member for a specified period of time.

Because the target payment to be made is fixed, providers have
an incentive to coordinate care and minimize the provision of any
marginal or unnecessary care. A concern raised is that the
incentive may encourage providers to underutilize services,
negatively impacting the patient’s outcome. Careful monitoring is
needed to ensure that quality is not negatively impacted and that
patients receive necessary care.

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In January 2018, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid (CMS)
announced that 1547 providers and suppliers (823 acute care
hospitals, 715 physician groups, and 9 “others”) had signed
agreements to participate in the Bundled Payments for Care
Improvement (BPCI)-Advanced model, which builds upon the
earlier Bundled Payment for Care Initiative. Under this BPCI-
Advanced program, participating hospitals and physician group
practices will receive bundled payments for certain episodes of
care as an alternative to the traditional fee-for-service payments.
Under this BPCI-Advanced program, participants can earn
additional payment if all expenditures for a beneficiary’s episode of
care are less than a spending target. The spending target also
incorporates measures of quality. Alternatively, if expenditures
exceed the target price, then the participants must repay money to
Medicare.

The BPCI-Advanced program expands the original BPCI program
to include payments for additional clinical episodes, including
outpatient episodes. The participants are provided the target price
in advance, so they can plan more effectively how to manage
episodes of care. BPCI-Advanced qualifies as an advanced
alternative payment model, which means participating clinicians
assume the risk for the cost of patient health care and for meeting
quality thresholds, potentially qualifying them for other incentive
programs and exempting them from the merit-based incentive
payment system (MIPS). The stated goal of the program is to
accelerate value-based transformation of the healthcare system by
offering a range of new payment models so that providers can
choose the approach that will work best for them. At this time, the
program has not been implemented a sufficient amount of time to
enable evaluation.

14.7.3 Value-Based Purchasing

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Value-based purchasing (VBP) programs are also sometimes
known as shared-savings programs, the goals of which are similar
to those of the bundled payment programs: to improve care
coordination and redesign the processes of care to produce high-
quality and efficient care delivery. Incentives are created within
these programs to provide care that has higher value to the patient
and to the system; these programs move away from paying
providers based only on the volume of services provided to
patients. Under these programs, if the provider is able to achieve
savings and meet the quality performance standards, then the
amount of the savings is shared between the providers and the
payer. These programs focus on better care for individuals, better
health for the population, and reducing the rate of growth in
healthcare expenditures.

Similar to bundled payment systems, value-based purchasing
(VBP) programs also require the establishment of clinical
measures, measures of effective resource utilization, and
incentives within the payment structure to link the two measures to
the price paid for services. The focus on these systems is to foster
joint clinical and financial accountability within the healthcare
system. As with any of the performance-based payment systems,
it is critical to have communication among the various providers in
order to coordinate care. This communication requires electronic
health records with interoperability (the ability to link to each other)
capability.

VBP programs are demand-side strategies that impact the
utilization of healthcare services by rewarding excellence in
healthcare delivery by enhancing revenue through differential
payment and by increasing market share by consumer selection. A
key component of VBP is the development of standardized
performance measures, including involving consumers in changing
their lifestyle and self-managing their chronic diseases. The

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Institute of Medicine (2001) has established the STEEEP—Safe,
Timely, Efficient, Effective, Equitable, and Patient-centered—
typology of the dimensions of healthcare performance, which need
to be incorporated into the system. To be effective, it is necessary
to access and aggregate data on these dimensions from different
sources and from different providers. As indicated, a key
component of this model is patient-centeredness, which involves
engaging the consumer in the process.

A number of pieces of legislation, such as the Patient Protection
and Affordable Care Act and the Medicare Access and CHIP
Reauthorization Act (MACRA) have reinforced the role of value-
based purchasing payment in Medicare. In addition, many private
insurers are following the lead of Medicare and adopting value-
based payment mechanisms. Chee, Ryan, Wasfy, and Borden
(2016) conducted a review, summarizing the current state of
value-based payment programs and analyzed the strengths,
weaknesses, and opportunities for the future. According to these
authors, the opportunities to enhance the performance of the
value-based payment programs include improving the quality
measurement science, strengthening the size and design of
incentives, reducing health disparities, choosing appropriate
comparison targets, and determining the optimal role of value-
based payment relative to alternative payment models. They also
indicated that value-based payments serve as an opportunity for
providers to build the infrastructure needed for value-oriented
care.

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14.8 Consumer Engagement

As efforts continue to improve quality and control the costs of
health care, attention is focused on ways of influencing consumers
to be more informed decision makers. For consumers to become
more engaged in the decision-making process, it is necessary for
them to have a better understanding of the availability of
alternatives and options, and of the quality of care offered, in order
to demand and choose appropriate services. As outlined in
Aligning Forces for Quality (AF4Q), sponsored by the Robert
Wood Johnson Foundation, to be successful in transforming
health care, a community-wide consumer-engagement strategy
must help consumers to

Understand their risks or actual conditions, and take actions to
manage them.
Understand and make informed treatment choices.
Understand the difference between good care and bad care,
and demand good care.
Advocate for public reporting by hospitals and doctors on
nationally recognized indicators of quality care.
Choose providers based on information about their ability to
deliver effective care
(http://www.rwjf.org/qualityequality/af4q/focusareas/consumer.jsp).

Basically, Aligning Forces for Quality invites the individuals who
get care, give care, and pay for care to work together toward
common, fundamental objectives that lead to better care. AF4Q
showed that progress can be made locally when all stakeholders
participate in the process. Effective consumer engagement builds
and supports the capacity of consumers to manage their health
and health conditions. This also involves the ability to understand,
demand, and choose high-quality health care.

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For consumers to be informed decision makers in the healthcare
system, literacy, and especially health literacy, is critical. A
patient’s literacy skills are critical in interactions in the healthcare
field, impacting the ability of the patient to navigate the services
needed and the healthcare delivery system. Literacy skills are also
important in enabling the patients to be advocates for their needs
within the system, and the role of consumer self-advocacy is
increasingly important. The complexity of the healthcare system
and the incentives being created in many of the reform activities
increasingly requires patients to take a proactive role in the
utilization of healthcare services and in the self-management of
medical conditions.

As increased emphasis is placed on consumer engagement and
access to online information and health information technologies is
becoming more widespread, care must be taken that the medically
underserved and disadvantaged populations are not further
disenfranchised from the system. Health disparities currently exist,
and increased reliance on health information technologies for
seeking and managing personal health conditions and for
communicating between patients and providers may widen the
disparity gap rather than solve it. The deployment of health
information and health information technology is intended to
impact the demand for healthcare services, but care must be
taken that this doesn’t negatively impact various subgroups of the
population.

Patient engagement is also a critical component of the patient-
centered medical home model, which involves the provision of
quality care that is coordinated, comprehensive, and cost-
effective. The patient-centered medical home requires a strong
patient–provider relationship through the use of a team approach
to care that increases access to care and the continuity of the care
provided. In addition to improving quality of care in order to

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improve health outcomes, the patient-centered medical home is
expected to reduce demand for health services through the
reduction of duplication of tests, procedures, emergency
department visits, hospitalizations, and provider visits as care
becomes coordinated across providers.

As the population becomes older and experiences escalating
chronic conditions, it is critical that the healthcare delivery system
becomes more effective in the management of chronic conditions.
New streams of data are necessary to enable better self-
management, improve shared decision making, and provide more
virtual care. The importance of patient-generated health
information, remote monitoring, non-visit-based care, and other
innovative care approaches that foster more frequent contact with
patients and better management of chronic conditions must
become part of the adapting healthcare system (Sands & Wald,
2014).

A study by McFarland, Ornstein, and Holcombe (2015)
examined the variation in patient satisfaction as determined by the
Hospital Consumer Assessment of Healthcare Providers and
Systems (HCAHPS) to determine the factors that predict patient
satisfaction scores. The hospital value-based performance
program provides incentives for quality performance-based health
care and it links payments directly to patient satisfaction scores
obtained from the HCAHPS surveys. The authors found that
demographic and structural factors can predict patient satisfaction
scores. More specifically, they found that hospital size (number of
beds) and primary language (non-English-speaking) were the
strongest predictors of unfavorable HCAHPS scores. Alternatively,
education and white ethnicity were the strongest predictors of
favorable HCAHPS scores. Without adjusting for such factors
outside the control of hospitals, the value-based purchasing

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program may unfairly penalize some hospitals and unfairly reward
others.

To assist in the improvement of consumer engagement, a new
patient engagement measure, the Altarum Consumer Engagement
(ACE) instrument, was developed and validated. This instrument
was developed to increase the way patient engagement is
measured and understood (Duke, Lynch, Smith, & Winstanley,
2015). If consumer engagement is to truly form a foundation for
improving the healthcare delivery system and outcomes obtained
in the delivery of care, then a mechanism for measuring consumer
engagement is essential. Without the ability to measure consumer
engagement, the ability to effectively incorporate it into the
necessary changes in the healthcare delivery system is limited. To
enable consumers to have a significant role in their care through
such entities as patient-centered medical homes, coordinated care
for chronic disease, and shared decision making, there needs to
be a mechanism available for measuring and valuing that
engagement. The goal is to lead to safer, more effective, and less
expensive health care.

This discussion has served to highlight the fact that a healthcare
financing system requires resources and that different systems
have different costs. The Canadian system, for example, has
lower administrative costs than does the U.S. system. However,
the amount of administrative costs is not the only factor that needs
to be taken into account when choosing a national healthcare
“system.” Morra et al. (2011) found that physicians in the United
States spend almost four times as much time interacting with
payers as do physicians in Canada.

Marketing functions serve to inform potential customers about the
characteristics of various health plans. Consumers can better
select among health plans if they have more information.
Regulation and payment functions serve to help ensure that the

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care provided is of a high quality and results in good outcomes.
Although these functions are not always completely effective,
nevertheless, when evaluating a financing system, the benefits of
the various financing practices must be examined in addition to the
costs.

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Exercises
1. What proportion of total health expenses were made by

out-of-pocket, government, and health insurance sources
of finance in 2017?

2. An employee is worth $100 a week to her employer. The
worker demands $20 in health insurance benefits, to be
paid by the employer. What would the employer be willing
to pay in terms of wages?

3. What is the effect on the market for health insurance of a
government tax subsidy on health insurance premiums?

4. What will be the effect of mandated health insurance
benefits on the market for labor if the workers do not place
any value on these benefits? If they fully value the
benefits?

5. What is a payroll tax? How will the imposition of a payroll
tax affect the wage rate and the quantity of labor
employed?

6. How will the imposition of a sales tax on a commodity affect
the price and quantity sold of that commodity? Will the
consumer usually bear the entire burden of the tax?

7. How does each of the following methods of financing the
healthcare system impact on persons according to their
income group?
a. Income tax
b. Sales tax
c. Payroll tax
d. Insurance premiums

8. Discuss the rationale for the introduction of pay-for-
performance mechanisms in health care.

9. What are bundled payments and how are they being used
in health care?

10. Why is consumer engagement so important in today’s
healthcare system?

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excess readmissions: Promising effect of hospital
readmissions reduction program in US hospitals.
International Journal for Quality in Health Care, 28(1),
53–58.

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(2015). Demographic factors and hospital size predict
patient satisfaction variance—Implications for hospital
value-based purchasing. Journal of Hospital Medicine,
10(8), 503–509.

Morra, D., Nicholson, S., Levinson, W., Gans, D. N.,
Hammons, T., & Casalino, L. P. (2011). US physician
practices versus Canadians: Spending nearly four
times as much money interacting with payers. Health
Affairs, 30(8), 1443–1450.

Papanicolas, I., Woskie, L. R., & Jha, A. K. (2018). Health
care spending in the US and other high-income
countries. JAMA, 319(10), 1024–1039.

Pearson, E. (2018). How much is too much? What does
the US actually spend on health care administration.
The Incidental Economist. Retrieved from
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much-is-too-much-what-does-the-us-actually-
spend-on-health-care-administration/

Pozen, A., & Cutler, D. M. (2010). Medical spending
differences in the United States and Canada: The role
of prices, procedures, and administrative expenses.
Inquiry, 47(2), 124–134.

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http://rwjf.org/qualityequality/af4q/focusareas/consumer.jsp

Sands, D. Z., & Wald, J. S. (2014). Transforming health
care delivery through consumer engagement, health
data transparency, and patient-generated health
information. Yearbook of Medical Informatics, 23(01),
175–176.

Shih, T., Nicholas, L. H., Thumma, J. R., Birkmeyer, J. D.,
& Dimick, J. B. (2014). Does pay-for-performance
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of the premier hospital quality incentive
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Tseng, P., Kaplan, R. S., Richman, B. D., Shah, K. P., &
Schulman, K. D. (2018). Administrative costs
associated with physician-billing and insurance-
related activities of an academic health care system.
JAMA, 319(7), 691–697.

Van Herck, P., De Smedt, D., Annemans, L., Remmen,
R., Rosenthal, M. R., & Sermeus, W. (2010).
Systematic review: Effects, design choices, and
context of pay-for-performance in health care. BMC
Health Services Research, 10. Article number 247.

Woolhandler, S., Campbell, T., & Himmelstein, D. U.
(2004). Health care administration in the United States
and Canada: Micromanagement, macro costs.
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deteriorating administrative efficiency of the U.S.
healthcare system. New England Journal of Medicine,
324, 1253–1258.

Hicks, Lanis. Economics of Health and Medical Care, Jones & Bartlett Learning, LLC, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/undip-ebooks/detail.action?docID=6031666.
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Hicks, Lanis. Economics of Health and Medical Care, Jones & Bartlett Learning, LLC, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/undip-ebooks/detail.action?docID=6031666.
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A System of Health Accounts 2011
© OECD, European Union, World Health Organization

153

PART I

Chapter 7

Classification of Health Care Financing
Schemes (ICHA-HF)

I.7. CLASSIFICATION OF HEALTH CARE FINANCING SCHEMES (ICHA-HF)

A SYSTEM OF HEALTH ACCOUNTS 2011 © OECD, EUROPEAN UNION, WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION154

Introduction
This chapter presents a summary of the conceptual accounting framework for health

financing and of one of its main components, the new classification of health care

financing schemes (ICHA-HF). This summary also serves as an introduction to Chapter 8,
in which the classification of revenue of financing schemes (ICHA-FS) is presented.

Furthermore, in SHA 2011 the accounting framework for health care financing also
encompasses the concept of institutional units of health financing and the related

classification of financing agents (ICHA-FA) as a tool for a more detailed national analysis
(see Annex D). The three classifications tog ether provide the tools to account

comprehensively for health care financing and describe the flow of financial resources in
the health system. This introduction therefore provides a brief definition of all the key

concepts and highlights their relationships. The relevance of the particular classifications
and cross-tabulations may vary for countries that differ in the organisational structure and

level of resources of their health care systems, as well as in their level of economic
development and their dependency on foreign resources.

This chapter is concerned with the financing of the final consumption of health care
goods and services; Chapter 11 discusses the financing of fixed capital formation. As to the

main functions of health financing, Chapter 7 focuses on accounting tools for the

allocation of resources; while Chapter 8 focuses on accounting tools for revenue-raising.

The aim of the accounting framework for health financing is to help health

accountants and analysts obtain a clear and transparent picture of health financing
systems, including information that is relevant to health policy about the structure and

flows of funds (transactions). This includes indicators – comparable across countries and
over time – that can contribute to the assessment of the performance of health financing

systems.

Health financing systems mobilise and allocate money, within the health system, to

meet the current health needs of the population (individual and collective), with a view to
expected future needs. Individuals may have access to care by means of direct payment for

services and goods or through third-party financing arrangements, such as with a National
Health Service, social insurance or voluntary insurance.

The concept of health care financing schemes is an application and extension of the
concept of social protection schemes defined by the European System of Integrated Social

Protection Statistics (ESSPROS). The ESSPROS Manual emphasises: “the scheme concept of
social protection [is straightforward as it] starts from the point of view of the beneficiaries”.

As health policy is primarily concerned with ensuring access to health care, the approach
of ESSPROS is considered to be a highly relevant starting point.

ESSPROS defines social protection schemes as follows: “A social protection scheme is
a distinct body of rules, supported by one or more institutional units, governing the

provision of social protection benefits and their financing …. Institutional units can

I.7. CLASSIFICATION OF HEALTH CARE FINANCING SCHEMES (ICHA-HF)

A SYSTEM OF HEALTH ACCOUNTS 2011 © OECD, EUROPEAN UNION, WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION 155

support more than one social protection scheme, when they administer and provide very

diverse types of social benefits. On the other hand, a single social protection scheme can
be supported by several institutional units …. The body of rules referred to in this definition

may be established de jure, by virtue of laws, regulations or contracts, or de facto, by virtue
of administrative practice…”.

The structure of a health care financing system consists of two types of entities:
financing schemes (such as national health service, social health insurance and voluntary

insurance, and so on) and institutional units (financing agents, such as government units, a
social security agency, private insurance corporations and so on) that in practice operate

the financing schemes. A social insurance scheme, for example, defines who is obliged to
participate in the scheme, what is the basis for entitlement to health care and what

benefits the scheme offers as well as the rules on raising and pooling the social insurance
contributions. The scheme may be operated by a single government agency or by specific

insurance funds or by a government agency and insurance companies at the same time.
The operation of a health financing system entails transactions by the three main functions

of health financing: revenue-raising, pooling and purchasing – such as, for example,
payment of social insurance contributions to a single national fund and distribution of the

resources, first among the different purchasing organisations, and then among the
services and their providers. The transactions are executed by the financing agents,

according to the rules of the financing schemes.

The SHA framework for the accounting of health care financing makes it possible to

analyse the following major issues:1

● How does a particular financing scheme collect its revenues? (HFxFS tables);

● From which institutional units of the economy are the revenues of a particular financing
scheme mobilised? (HFxFS.RI2; and HFxFSxFS.RI);

● Through what kind of financing arrangements do people have access to care? The role
(share) of the main financing schemes3 in a country’s health care sector (HF table);

● What kinds of services are ensured (purchased) under the different financing schemes?
How are the resources of the different financing schemes allocated among the different

services? [HCxHF table];

● How are the particular health care services or goods financed? For example, what share of

the spending on inpatient care is covered by compulsory insurance, voluntary insurance
and out-of-pocket (OOP) payments? (HCxHF table);

● How are the resources of the different financing schemes allocated among the different
groups of beneficiaries, such as different groups of diseases? (BeneficiariesxHF table);

● “Where does the money go?” From which providers are the services purchased under the
particular financing schemes? (HPxHF table);

● How is health care financing managed in a country? What kind of institutional arrangements
govern the funds of financing schemes? What changes have occurred in the institutional

arrangement of health care financing in a given period? (HFxFA table).

I.7. CLASSIFICATION OF HEALTH CARE FINANCING SCHEMES (ICHA-HF)

A SYSTEM OF HEALTH ACCOUNTS 2011 © OECD, EUROPEAN UNION, WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION156

Main concept

Summary of the accounting framework for health care financing

The aim of the accounting framework for health care financing is to provide a clear
and transparent picture of a country’s key transactions (flows) and the structure of its

health financing system. A comprehensive accounting of the financing flows requires tools
for accounting the transactions of revenue-raising and resource-allocation, as well as the

institutional units involved.

The accounting framework for health financing consists of the following main

components:

● Key concepts and definitions;

● Classifications (Chapters 7 and 8 and Annex D);

● Accounts (tables): accounts for the allocation of resources; and accounts for revenue-

raising (Chapter 15 and Annex D);

● Key indicators;

● Accounts for sectoral analysis of the main health care financing schemes and institutional
units (Annex D).

Key concepts

The framework for health care financing under SHA 2011 does not intend to show all

the complexity and all the details of a health financing system. Instead, it focuses on the
most important issues from the perspective of accounting for health expenditure.

Key concepts under SHA 2011 for describing the structure of the financing system and
its key transactions are as follows:4

● Health care financing schemes as the main “building blocks” of the functional structure of a
country’s health financing system: the main types of financing arrangements through

which health services are paid for and obtained by people. Examples include direct
payments by households and third-party financing arrangements, such as social health

insurance, voluntary insurance, etc. Although the financing schemes in this framework
are key for purchasing health care, they also include the rules for other functions, such

as the collection and pooling of the resources of the given financing scheme.5

● Types of revenues of health care financing schemes: the approach used to identify, classify

and measure the mix of revenue sources for each financing scheme (for example, social
security contributions used to fund the purchases by social security schemes and grants

to sustain the non-profit organisation schemes). Measurement of the revenue sources of
each financing scheme, as well as for the system as a whole, provides essential

information to policy makers, particularly on the mix of public and private expenditures
(see Chapter 8).

● Institutional units of health care financing systems that may play the role of providers of
revenues for financing schemes (such as households and corporations); and/or the role

of financing agents that manage one or more financing schemes. Financing agents are
institutional units that administer health financing schemes in practice: they

implement the revenue collection and/or the purchasing of services. Examples include
local governments, social insurance agencies, private insurance companies, non-profit

organisations and so on. (The structure of the financing agents does not always reflect

I.7. CLASSIFICATION OF HEALTH CARE FINANCING SCHEMES (ICHA-HF)

A SYSTEM OF HEALTH ACCOUNTS 2011 © OECD, EUROPEAN UNION, WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION 157

the functional arrangements to cover the purchasing and paying strategies in health

systems.)

Figure 7.1 shows the relationships between these key entities of the health financing

system.

The key concepts for describing the structure of the health financing system under
SHA 2011 are based on measuring a) the expenditure of health care financing schemes, under

which goods and services are purchased directly from health care providers, on the one
hand, and b) the types of revenues of health care financing schemes, on the other hand

(such as government domestic revenues, social insurance contributions, voluntary
prepayments and so on). Health care financing schemes are perceived here as the main

“building blocks” of the structure of a country’s health financing system: they are the main
types of financing arrangements through which people can get access to health care, for

example government schemes, social insurance and voluntary insurance. Financing
agents are perceived here as the institutional units that operate the financing schemes in

practice. There is not necessarily a one-to-one correspondence between financing schemes
and financing agents. For example, in the Slovak Republic in 2009 the compulsory social

insurance was managed by two government-owned agencies and four commercial
insurance companies. In the Netherlands, private insurance companies operated

compulsory private insurance schemes and voluntary insurance at the same time.6 In this
case, the insurance corporations follow two different types of regulation. For example, they

have to accept everybody under the compulsory health insurance, but may apply risk-
related premiums and refuse individuals under the voluntary insurance.

There is a need to clearly distinguish, on the one hand, the concepts that make it
possible to analyse the financing of the consumption of health care goods and services

and, on the other hand, the data collection processes. Health care financing schemes (HF)

Figure 7.1. A graphical representation of SHA 2011 financing framework

Source: IHAT for SHA 2011.

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A SYSTEM OF HEALTH ACCOUNTS 2011 © OECD, EUROPEAN UNION, WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION158

are the key units for the analysis of financing the consumption of health care goods and

services, while the data concerning the relevant transactions may be collected either from
financing agents operating the different financing schemes or from the providers,

depending on countries’ statistical systems. To put it another way: the categories of health
care financing schemes are key analytical units of SHA 2011, for which data are collected

from financing agents or providers (see the section on Specific conceptual issues later in this
chapter for further details).

Classifications and tables

Health accounts tables can provide information on:

● How the funds of particular health care financing schemes are allocated; What services are
consumed by individuals or the community as a whole, and from what providers are

they purchased under the particular financing schemes? (HCxHF and HPxHF and
HCxHPxHF). What institutional units are managing the purchase of services under the

particular financing schemes? (HFxFA, HCxHFxFA and HPxHFxFA).

● How the revenues of particular health care financing schemes are raised: In what ways do the

particular financing schemes collect their revenues? (HFxFS). From which institutional
units of the economy are the revenues of a particular financing scheme mobilised?

(HFxFS.RI; and HFxFS.RI tables).

Sectoral accounts (see Annex D) are offered as tools for country-specific analysis.

Sectoral accounts make it possible to analyse the main health care financing schemes and
institutional sectors of the health system separately. Sectoral accounts involve a different

organisation of the data, closer to national accounting criteria. They can provide
information from the perspective of a given financing scheme or institutional unit (on a

national accounting basis, e.g. central government, households) that cannot be directly
gained from any of the SHA tables.7 For example, a sectoral account of the government

presents – in the form of a T-account – the total health-specific revenues (on the right-side
of the T-account) and expenses of government, including both payment to providers and

transfers made by the government to other financing schemes (on the left-side of the
T-account).

Table 7.1 shows the key changes in the accounting framework of health financing in
SHA 2011 compared with SHA 1.0. The use of “health care financing” as the general term in

SHA 1.0 proved to be too vague, as in a wider sense it may include financing schemes and
their revenues, as well as financing agents. Financing agents as a concept remains largely

unchanged from the Producers Guide. Based on the relevant health policy literature, the SNA
and ESSPROS, “health care financing schemes” is regarded as a more suitable term for

labelling HF.

The financing framework:

● Is based on the concept of the financing scheme, and is analysed through: the financing
schemes, the revenue sources of each scheme; and the institutional units (financing

agents) managing the schemes;

● Distinguishes between the institutional sectors of the economy providing resources to

financing schemes and the flow of these resources, that is, the types of revenues of
health care financing schemes (mechanisms of revenue-raising);

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A SYSTEM OF HEALTH ACCOUNTS 2011 © OECD, EUROPEAN UNION, WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION 159

● Changes the focus from “financing sources” as institutions to the types of revenues of
health care financing schemes (transactions), as this is more relevant for health policy

analysis;

● Distinguishes between financing schemes (HF) and the institutional units (financing

agents: FA) that manage them;

● Interprets financing schemes (HF) as the key functional components of the health

financing system, and hence connects them to providers and health care functions in
the tri-axial system of the SHA;

● Allows for a distinction between the different roles that institutional units such as the
government and households play in a health system (see Figure 7.5);

● Provides possibilities for national analysis to show the relationship i) among the
institutional units providing revenues, the types of revenues and the financing schemes;

ii) among financing schemes and financing agents; iii) among financing schemes,
financing agents and health care providers; iv) among financing schemes, financing

agents and health care functions;

● Provides possibilities for national analysis to link the SHA financing analysis to other

statistical systems, e.g. to prepare sectoral accounts of the most important financing
schemes or financing agents.

In a simple health financing system, there may be one-to-one correspondence among
revenues of schemes, financing schemes and financing agents. For example, the National

Health Service in a country may be financed only from general government revenues and
operated by government units. However, neither theoretically nor in practice is this a

typical case. A financing scheme may raise its revenues from several sources, and it can be
operated by more than one type of institutional unit (financing agents). For example, social

health insurance may raise its revenues not only from contribution payments by

employees and employers, but also from transfers from the general government budget.
Furthermore, a social health insurance scheme may be operated by a government unit and

private insurance companies at the same time.

Table 7.1. Key health financing concepts and classifications in SHA 2011
and SHA 1.0/Producers Guide

Key concepts

SHA 2011 SHA 1.0/PG

Health care financing schemes (HF) Health care financing (HF under SHA 1.0) Source of funding (HF under
SHA 1.0)
Financing agent (HF in PG)Financing agents (institutional units implementing/managing

financing schemes) (FA)

Revenues of health care financing schemes (FS)

Financing sources defined as institutional units (FS under PG ) Institutional units of the economy8 providing the revenues of the
financing schemes

Classifications

SHA 2011 SHA 1.0/PG

ICHA-HF Classification of health care financing schemes ICHA-HF Classification of health care financing (SHA 1.0) Classification
of financing agents (PG) ICHA-FA Classification of financing agents

ICHA-FS Classification of revenues of health care financing schemes ICHA-FS Classification of financing sources (PG) defined as institutional
units

Source: IHAT for SHA 2011.

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A SYSTEM OF HEALTH ACCOUNTS 2011 © OECD, EUROPEAN UNION, WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION160

The definitions of the categories of health care inancing schemes in ICHA-HF are

intended to facilitate the reporting of comparable, policy-relevant expenditure data across
countries and over time. It should be emphasised that the interpretation of ICHA-HF as a

classification of financing schemes would not require major changes to the current
re p o r t i n g p ra c t i c e o f m o s t c o u n t r i e s , i n p a r t i c u l ar t h o s e w i t h a o n e – t o – o n e

correspondence between the financing agent and financing scheme. In fact, the revised
categories of ICHA-HF in many cases provide a better alignment with current country

practices of reporting health expenditure. The revised definition and categories of ICHA-HF
are relevant from a health policy point of view and are in accordance with the dominant

view of health financing in the health policy literature.

The SHA 2011 HF classification provides additional detail for some of the categories, in

particular for voluntary insurance. The relevance of the detailed categories to particular
countries will differ according to the specific characteristics of their health care systems.

The concept and main categories of health care financing schemes

Each country’s health financing system consists of several “building blocks” in the

form of a set of sub-systems or financing arrangements.9 Key characteristics of a financing
sub-system are its coverage (who is entitled to which services) and the features of the basic

health financing functions: the collection of funds, the pooling of funds and the
purchasing/paying for health services (i.e. the allocation of funds to providers and services)

(Kutzin, 2001; Mossialos and Dixon, 2002; WHO, 2000). A financing sub-system may involve
a mix of contribution mechanisms and a mix of purchasing methods and organisations.

For example, social insurance schemes may involve not only compulsory insurance
contributions but also transfers from government general revenues.

The legal basis of financing schemes

It is important to consider the legal basis of financing schemes to distinguish
compulsory social insurance from compulsory private insurance. Third-party financing

schemes may be established and operated as follows: through public law and publically
operated; through private law and privately operated; or through public law and privately

operated.10

● A third-party financing scheme may be established by a specific public law with the

purpose of providing protection against the financial risks of ill-health for the society as
a whole, or for specific groups in society (employed persons, the most vulnerable groups,

etc.). The operation of the financing scheme is also regulated by public law and the
operating rules of the institutions involved differ in many respects from the operation of

the market economy (government schemes, social health insurance).

● A third-party financing scheme may be created by private economic actors and operated

under private law. An example is voluntary health insurance.

● A third-party financing scheme may be established by a specific public law with the

purpose of providing protection against the financial risks of ill-health for the society as
a whole, or for specific groups in society. However, whether the purchase of a contract is

needed is decisive in distinguishing between compulsory private insurance and social
health insurance. The day-to-day operation of the financing scheme (involving many

elements of the relationship between the insuree and the insurer) is regulated under
private law (e.g. compulsory private health insurance in the Netherlands).

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A SYSTEM OF HEALTH ACCOUNTS 2011 © OECD, EUROPEAN UNION, WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION 161

Criteria for distinguishing the categories of financing schemes

The following list contains the main criteria for distinguishing the different health
care financing schemes:

● Resident or non-resident (foreign) scheme with mandatory or voluntary coverage (mode
of participation);

● Entitlement – contributory or non-contributory (basis for entitlement);

● Compulsory or voluntary contributions;

● Contribution prepaid or made at the time of service use;

● Pooling is interpersonal or solely for the individual or family;

● Purchase of insurance policy needed or not

The key distinguishing characteristics, from a policy perspective, are:

● Whether participation is compulsory by law (or government regulation) or voluntary; and

● Whether or not entitlement is based on a contribution (made by or on behalf of the

covered individuals) or on another criterion, such as citizenship, residency, income/
poverty status, etc.

SHA 2011 uses the terms “compulsory” or “mandatory” in the sense of compulsory by
law (or government regulation).

However, there are some complex financing arrangements that require further
categories of participation and entitlement.

The mode of participation refers to the relationship between the individuals (residents
of a country) and the different financing schemes, which leads to the following

categories:

● Compulsory/mandatory:

–– Coverage of the population is automatic, universal for all citizens/residents (for example,
national health services);

–– Participation (contribution payment) is mandatory by law for all of the population or
for defined groups within the population (social health insurance or compulsory

private insurance).

● Voluntary:

–– Coverage of individuals or groups is at the discretion of individuals or firms
(e.g. individual- or group-based voluntary health insurance).

The basis for benefit entitlement refers to the general conditions (basic rules) for access
to care under the different financing schemes. An individual’s access to health services

under a financing scheme may be:

● Non-contributory: defined by constitution or law (citizens/residents, or defined individuals

or groups within the country) and not linked to a specific contribution payment;

● Contributory: defined by law/government regulation and requires a contribution payment

made by or on behalf of the covered individual (e.g. social health insurance);

● Discretionary: based on the discretion of a private entity (charity foundation, employer,
foreign entity).

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A SYSTEM OF HEALTH ACCOUNTS 2011 © OECD, EUROPEAN UNION, WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION162

The method for raising funds is the mechanism through which the revenues of a

particular financing scheme are set and collected. The main types are: government
domestic revenues, mandatory income-related insurance contributions, mandatory non-

income related premiums, voluntary insurance premiums (risk-related or non-risk-
related), other domestic voluntary transfers, foreign transfers and so on. The classification

of revenues of health care financing schemes (see Chapter 8) provides only the main types
of revenues and does not distinguish several aspects mentioned (e.g. between income-

related or non-income related insurance premiums). The key distinctions are:

● Compulsory:

–– Taxation and other sources of general government revenues;

–– Compulsory prepayment (e.g. social health insurance, compulsory private insurance,

compulsory Medical Savings Accounts – MSAs).

● Voluntary:

–– Voluntary health insurance and out-of-pocket payments.

The mechanism and extent of the pooling and re-allocation of funds are defined by the

regulations of the given scheme. The main types may be income-related contributions
pooled at national level; mandated community rating of premiums at national level;

community rating of premiums at a local level (financing agent level); and risk-related
contributions. In the case of decentralised sub-systems (both health insurance and tax-

financed systems), mechanisms may exist for the re-allocation of the revenues raised. In the
case of household out-of-pocket payments, no pooling is involved. The key distinctions are:

● Pooled across individuals:

–– Geographic level, such as national or sub-national;

–– Scheme level, such as by insurance fund or “programme”.

● No inter-personal pooling:

–– Out-of-pocket payments, compulsory medical savings accounts.

Table 7.2 summarises the main characteristics of financing schemes according to the

above criteria. Figure 7.2 presents a “criteria-tree” showing how the combination of these
criteria defines the main categories of health care financing schemes. The “criteria-tree”

provides a precise algorithm to help experts categorise the components of a country’s
health financing system.

The classification of financing schemes also fulfils the key statistical requirements of
classifications, i.e. that the categories are mutually exclusive.

The label of HF.1.2.1 and the criteria tree contain some simplifications: the label
HF.1.2.1 Social health insurance schemes does not show that Social health insurance schemes

does include those social security programmes in which the payment for health services is
complementary to the main types of benefits, such as pension and unemployment

benefits. These social security schemes are not labelled as health insurance in the national
practice of the countries concerned (for more detail, see the section on HF.1.2.1).

To facilitate the definition of a financing scheme, the criteria and the decision tree
linked to them are presented below. The logic of this tree is to comply with a very relevant

rule: each scheme can be classified only once. The classificatory criteria should be as clear
as possible so that each scheme can be classified in only one position.

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Table 7.2. Main criteria of health care financing schemes

Mode of participation Benefit entitlement
Basic method
for fund-raising

Pooling

HF.1.1. Government
schemes

Automatic: for all citizens/
residents; or a specific
group of the population
(e.g. the poor) defined by
law/government
regulation.

Non-contributory, typically
universal or available for a
specific population group
or disease category
defined by law (e.g. TB,
HIV, oncology).

Compulsory: budget
revenues (primarily taxes).

National, sub-national, or
programme level.

HF.1.2.1 Social health
insurance

Mandatory: for all citizens/
residents; or a specific
group of the population
defined by law/government
regulation. In some cases,
however, the enrolment
requires actions to be
taken by the eligible
persons.

Contributory: based on
payment by or on behalf of
the insured person.

Compulsory: non-risk-
related health insurance
contribution. Insurance
contributions may be paid
by the government (from
the state budget) on behalf
of some non-contributing
groups of the population,
and the government may
also provide general
subsidies to the scheme.

National, sub-national, or
by scheme; with multiple
funds, extent of pooling
will depend on risk-
equalisation mechanisms
across schemes,

HF.1.2.2 Compulsory
private insurance

Mandatory: for all citizens/
residents; or a specific
group of the population
defined by law/government
regulation.

Contributory: based upon a
purchase of an insurance
policy from a selected
health insurance company
(or other agency involved).

Compulsory health
insurance premiums. Tax
credits may also be
involved.

National, sub-national, or
by scheme; with multiple
funds, extent of pooling
will depend on risk-
equalisation mechanisms
across schemes. Also
depends on the extent of
regulation of premium, and
standardisation of benefits
across schemes.

HF.1.3 Compulsory Medical
Saving Accounts (CMSA)

Mandatory: for all citizens/
residents; or a specific
group of the population
defined by law/government
regulation.

Contributory: based upon
the purchase of MSAs;
persons having MSAs can,
however, only use the
money saved, regardless
of whether the saving
covers the costs of the care
necessary.

Compulsory, defined by
law (e.g. as percent share
of income).

No inter-personal (except
perhaps family members).

HF.2.1 Voluntary health
insurance schemes

Voluntary. Contributory: based upon
the purchase of voluntary
health insurance policy
(usually on the basis of a
contract).

Usually non-income-
related premium (often
directly or indirectly risk-
related). Government may
directly or indirectly (e.g.
tax credits) subsidise.

Scheme level

HF.2.2 Non-profit
institutions financing
schemes

Voluntary. Non-contributory,
discretionary.

Donations from the general
public, governments
(budget of national
government or foreign aid)
or corporations.

Varies across
programmes, but typically
programme level.

HF.2.3 Enterprise financing
schemes (other than
employer-based insurance)

Voluntary choice of
particular corporation, with
coverage based on
employment at such a firm
(e.g. compulsory
occupational health care).

Non-contributory,
discretionary with regard
to the type of services,
though may sometimes be
specified by law.

Voluntary: choice of the
firm to use its revenues for
this purpose.

At an individual enterprise
level.

HF.3 Household out-of-
pocket expenditure

Voluntary: willingness to
pay of the household.

Contributory: service
provided if individual pays.

Voluntary: household
disposable income and
saving.

No inter-personal pooling.

HF.4 RoW financing
schemes

Compulsory or voluntary. Criteria set by foreign
entities.

Grants and other voluntary
transfers by foreign
entities.

Varies across
programmes.

Source: IHAT for SHA 2011.

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● The initial question is whether the scheme is based in the country or abroad. The rest of

the world financing schemes refer to schemes set abroad (generated and regulated
abroad). Resident schemes are classified regardless of the origin of their resources.

● For both cases, resident and foreign (rest of the world schemes), the next classificatory
criterion is based on the mode of participation. Notably the compulsory coverage is

related to government schemes and compulsory pre-paid schemes. Their further
classification is based on whether the characteristics of the benefit entitlement are

based on contributions.

The voluntary inclusion is classified based on the prepayment and its coverage, i.e.

linked to contributions, and to cost-sharing.

Definition of health care financing schemes11

Table 7.3 shows the full HF classification.12

Figure 7.2. Criteria tree for health care financing schemes

Source: IHAT for SHA 2011.

Health care financing schemes are structural components of health care financing systems:
they are the main types of financing arrangements through which people obtain health

services. Health care financing schemes include direct payments by households for services
and goods and third-party financing arrangements. Third party financing schemes are distinct
bodies of rules that govern the mode of participation in the scheme, the basis for entitlement
to health services and the rules on raising and then pooling the revenues of the given scheme.

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The definition of health care financing schemes calls for further clarification. In
correspondence with the ESSPROS, the body of rules referred to in this definition may be

established de jure, by virtue of laws, regulation or contracts, or de facto, by virtue of
administrative practice. De facto schemes include, for example, occupational health

programmes set up by employers.

Table 7.3. Classification of health care financing schemes

Code Description

HF.1 Government schemes and compulsory contributory health care financing schemes

HF.1.1 Government schemes

HF.1.1.1 Central government schemes

HF.1.1.2 State/regional/local government schemes

HF.1.2 Compulsory contributory health insurance schemes

HF.1.2.1 Social health insurance schemes

HF.1.2.2 Compulsory private insurance schemes

HF.1.3 Compulsory Medical Saving Accounts (CMSA)

HF.2 Voluntary health care payment schemes

HF.2.1 Voluntary health insurance schemes

HF.2.1.1 Primary/substitutory health insurance schemes

HF.2.1.1.1 Employer-based insurance (other than enterprises schemes)

HF.2.1.1.2 Government-based voluntary insurance

HF.2.1.1.3 Other primary coverage schemes

HF.2.1.2 Complementary/supplementary insurance schemes

HF.2.1.2.1 Community-based insurance

HF.2.1.2.2 Other complementary/supplementary insurance

HF.2.2 NPISH financing schemes

HF.2.2.1 NPISH financing schemes (excluding HF.2.2.2)

HF.2.2.2 Resident foreign government development agencies schemes

HF.2.3 Enterprise financing schemes

HF.2.3.1 Enterprises (except health care providers) financing schemes

HF.2.3.2 Health care providers financing schemes

HF.3 Household out-of-pocket payment

HF.3.1 Out-of-pocket excluding cost-sharing13

HF.3.2 Cost sharing with third-party payers

HF.3.2.1 Cost sharing with government schemes and compulsory contributory health insurance schemes

HF.3.2.2 Cost sharing with voluntary insurance schemes

HF.4 Rest of the world financing schemes (non-resident)

HF.4.1 Compulsory schemes (non-resident)

HF.4.1.1 Compulsory health insurance schemes (non-resident)

HF.4.1.2 Other compulsory schemes (non-resident)

HF.4.2 Voluntary schemes (non-resident)

HF.4.2.1 Voluntary health insurance schemes (non-resident)

HF.4.2.2 Other schemes (non-resident)

HF.4.2.2.1 Philanthropy/international NGOs schemes

HF.4.2.2.2 Foreign development agencies schemes

HF.4.2.2.3 Schemes of enclaves (e.g. international organisations or embassies)

Memorandum items

Financing agents managing the financing schemes

HF.RI.1.1 Government

HF.RI.1.2 Corporations

HF.RI.1.3 Households

HF.RI.1.4 NPISH

HF.RI.1.5 Rest of the world

Financing schemes and the related cost-sharing together

HF.RI.2 Government schemes and compulsory contributory health insurance schemes together with cost-sharing (HF.1 + HF.3.2.1)

HF.RI.3 Voluntary health insurance schemes together with cost-sharing (HF.2+HF.3.2.2)

Source: IHAT for SHA 2011.

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Table 7.4 compares HF classification under SHA 2011 with that of SHA 1.0. It is

emphasised again that there is a difference between SHA 2011 and SHA 1.0 concerning the
concept of HF: the HF categories under SHA 2011 are types of financing schemes, while the

HF categories under SHA 1.0 were a mixture of schemes (such as private social insurance)
and institutional units (such as private insurance enterprises). Table 7.4 does not show the

fourth-digit or memorandum items.

Explanatory notes to the ICHA-HF classification of health care financing
schemes

HF.1 Government schemes and compulsory contributory health care financing schemes

This category includes all schemes aimed at ensuring access to basic health care for
the whole society, a large part of it, or at least some vulnerable groups. Included are:

Table 7.4. ICHA-HF in SHA 2011 in comparison to SHA 1.0

ICHA-HF classification of health care financing schemes SHA 2011 ICHA-HF classification of health care financing SHA 1.0

HF.1 Government schemes and compulsory contributory health
care financing schemes

HF.1 General government

HF.1.1 Government schemes HF.1.1 General government excluding social security funds

HF.1.1.1 Central government schemes HF.1.1.1 Central government

HF.1.1.2 State/regional/local government schemes HF.1.1.2 State/provincial government

HF.1.1.3 Local/municipal government

HF.1.2 Compulsory contributory health insurance schemes

HF.1.2.1 Social health insurance HF.1.2 Social security funds

HF.1.2.2 Compulsory private insurance

HF.1.3 Compulsory Medical Saving Accounts

HF.2 Private sector

HF.2 Voluntary health care payment schemes (other than OOP)

HF.2.1 Voluntary health insurance schemes

HF.2.1.1 Primary/substitutory health insurance schemes HF.2.1 Private social insurance

HF.2.1.2 Complementary/supplementary voluntary insurance schemes HF.2.2 Private insurance enterprises (other than social
insurance)

HF.2.2 NPISH financing schemes HF.2.4 NPISH (other than social insurance)

HF.2.3 Enterprise financing schemes HF.2.5 Corporations (other than health insurance)

HF.2.3.1 Enterprises (except health care providers) financing schemes

HF.2.3.2 Health care providers financing schemes

HF.3 Household out-of-pocket payment HF.2.3 Private household out-of-pocket expenditure

HF.3.1 Out-of-pocket excluding cost-sharing HF.2.3.1 Out-of-pocket excluding cost-sharing

HF.3.2 Cost sharing with third-party payers: HF.2.3.2 Cost sharing: central government

HF.3.2.1 Cost sharing with government schemes and compulsory
contributory health insurance

HF.2.3.3 Cost sharing: state/provincial government

HF.2.3.4 Cost sharing: local/municipal government

HF.3.2.2 Cost sharing with voluntary insurance schemes HF.2.3.5 Cost sharing: social security funds

HF.2.3.6 Cost sharing: private social insurance

HF.2.3.7 Cost sharing: other private insurance

HF.2.3.9 All other cost sharing

HF.4 Rest of the world financing schemes HF.3 Rest of the world

HF.4.1 Compulsory schemes (non-resident)

HF.4.1.1 Compulsory health insurance schemes (non-resident)

HF.4.1.2 Other schemes (non-resident)

HF.4.2 Voluntary private schemes (non-resident)

HF.4.2.1 Voluntary health insurance schemes (non-resident)

HF.4.2.2 Other schemes (non-resident)

Source: IHAT for SHA 2011.

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government schemes, social health insurance, compulsory private insurance and

compulsory medical saving accounts.

A key rationale for government intervention in health systems is to ensure access to

basic health care for the whole society (or vulnerable social groups). This purpose can be
pursued through different coverage schemes, which implies differing levels of

redistribution between social groups and individuals. Health accounts are also expected to
provide information for assessing how well health systems achieve this key policy goal.

Therefore, for international comparability, it is important to have a general, aggregate
category that includes all financing schemes that serve this goal.

HF.1.1 Government (health care financing) schemes

The characteristics of government health care financing schemes are determined by

law or by the government. A separate budget is set for the programme, and a government
unit has an overall responsibility for it. Usually, but not necessarily, government schemes

are operated by government unit(s). The government schemes may also be managed by
NPISH or by an enterprise.

Government (health care financing) schemes have the following characteristics:

● Mode of participation: automatic for all citizens/residents, or for a specific group of the

population (e.g. the poor) defined by law/government regulation;

● Benefit entitlement: non-contributory, typically universal or available for a specific

population group or disease category defined by law (e.g. TB, HIV, oncology);

● Basic method for fund-raising: compulsory; domestic revenues of government (primarily

taxes). Foreign revenues may also play an important role in some lower-income
countries.

● Mechanism and extent of pooling funds: national, sub-national, or programme level.

A government scheme does not necessarily cover the total price of the services and

goods included in its benefit basket, that is, the scheme may involve cost-sharing with the
patients through co-payments, or other forms of cost-sharing). The full costs of certain

services are shared between two financing schemes: the government scheme and the OOP
(cost-sharing). (The same holds true for the compulsory insurance and voluntary

insurance schemes.) Obviously, only the costs covered by the government scheme are
accounted under HF.1.1. As the full cost of these services also constitutes important

information, the following memorandum items are included in the classification:
government schemes and compulsory contributory health insurance schemes together

with cost-sharing (HF.1 + HF.3.2.1); and Voluntary health insurance schemes together with
cost-sharing (HF.2.1 + HF.3.2.2).

Country examples

Government health care financing schemes were the major financing schemes in
fifteen OECD countries in 2009 (for example, Canada, Denmark, New Zealand, Spain,

United Kingdom and so on), accounting for 55-85% of total health expenditure in these
countries. These OECD health systems are primarily financed from the state budget (for

example, the National Health Service of the United Kingdom), or under the responsibility
of the local/regional governments in the Scandinavian countries). The universal

entitlement of the population (or groups of the population) for a fairly comprehensive
benefit package is defined by law.

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Government financing schemes can take many forms. Some examples include:

● General government financing programmes that provide primary health coverage for the
entire population, as in the OECD examples noted above, as well as where such

programmes meet the same core criteria (i.e. universal non-contributory entitlement)
but may cover far less than half of total health spending (in many low-income countries,

for example);

● Programmes for specific groups of the population (for example, Medicaid in the United

States, the Civil Servants Medical Benefits Scheme in Thailand, etc.);

● General government financing programmes in specific areas of the health sector, for

example, public health, some aspects of prevention, investments, research, education,
the HIV programme, the TB programme, etc.;

● Government expenditure on administration of the health system;

● Subsidies paid by the government to health care providers to cover persistent losses

(included in health care expenditure) are classified in category HF.1.1;

● Health-specific conditional cash transfers to households.14

Government schemes that offer universal entitlement may still demand individual
enrolment. For example, in Thailand the Universal Coverage Scheme (UCS), which covers

74.6% of the population and is financed solely from general tax revenue, is a government
scheme with universal entitlement. To access health services under the UCS, entitled

persons need to register at a public hospital responsible for managing the programme.
Enrolment is not obligatory, and anyone still uninsured can register at any time.

Government schemes can involve a purchaser-provider split, and sometimes the
names of schemes can be misleading. For example, in Latvia, the “State Compulsory Health

Insurance Fund” is funded entirely by general budget transfers and provides coverage to all
Latvian citizens on a non-contributory basis. It is thus a “government scheme”, and not a

social insurance scheme, despite the name of the government agency.

One specific accounting issue is the treatment of capital charges. In some countries –

in an effort to increase efficiency – public hospitals may be required to pay charges to the
government for the use of the physical assets. Although the payment of capital charges is

a cost component of the hospital, and as such should be recorded together with the other
factors of provisions (Chapter 9), it may be the case that capital charges are deducted

directly out of the budget the hospitals receive from the state budget. In such
circumstances, the capital charges should be added to the payment made by the

government to the hospital in order to record the total expenditure of the government
schemes.

Sub-categories of government schemes

Sub-categories of government schemes are:

● Central government schemes (HF.1.1.1);

● Regional/local government schemes (HF.1.1.2).

Countries may want to distinguish the regional and local level of government for
national data reporting purposes. In this case, they can create relevant sub-categories

under the “regional/local government schemes”.

Countries may want to create further optional sub-categories, for example, by types of

government programmes.

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Government employees schemes

Government (or public) employees may have a separate arrangement: government
may provide specific health programmes for its employees or buy private insurance. In

some countries, the government reimburses its employees’ health care bills and pays for
their care while abroad. Optional sub-categories under government schemes can be used

to account for these cases, as follows:

● HF.1.1.1.1 Central government schemes (excluding government employees schemes);

● HF.1.1.1.2 Government employees schemes.

The financing agent (e.g. government unit, private insurance corporation, etc.) will

show the exact institutional form of the given government employees scheme.

It is not necessary to distinguish between government (or public) employees and other

insurees in the case where government employees participate in the general social
insurance scheme and the government pays a social insurance contribution in the same

way that other employers do.

HF.1.2 Compulsory contributory health insurance schemes

Compulsory health insurance involves a financing arrangement to ensure access to
health care for specific population groups through mandatory participation and eligibility

based on the payment of health insurance contributions by or on behalf of the individuals
concerned.

HF.1.2.1 Social health insurance schemes. S o ci al h e a l th i n s u ran ce i s a fi n an ci n g
arrangement that ensures access to health care based on a payment of a non-risk-related
contribution by or on behalf of the eligible person. The social health insurance scheme is

established by a specific public law, defining, among others, the eligibility, benefit package
and rules for the contribution payment.

Social health insurance schemes have the following characteristics:

● Mode of participation: mandatory, either for all citizens/residents or for a specific

population group defined by law/government regulations (e.g. formal sector employees);

● Benefit entitlement: contributory, based on non-risk-related payments made by or on

behalf of the insured person. Family members may or may not be covered on the basis of
the contributor’s payment. The government may make contributions on behalf of certain

defined categories of the population (e.g. pensioners).

● Basic method for fund-raising: compulsory non-risk-related health insurance contributions.

Insurance contributions may be paid by the government (from the state budget) on behalf
of some non-contributing groups of the population, and the government may also provide

general subsidies to the scheme.

● Mechanism and extent of pooling funds: national, sub-national, or by scheme. With multiple

funds, the extent of pooling will depend on risk-equalisation mechanisms across
schemes. By using such mechanisms, it is possible to create pooling across schemes.

Traditionally, laws on social health insurance define the coverage of persons and the
benefit basket to which the insured persons are entitled. Usually (but not necessarily)

those who are entitled are also mandated. Entitlement for services originates from the law
on social health insurance, which establishes the insurance automatically for all persons

who meet the criteria. With some exceptions (e.g. non-residents), no individual contract

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between the insurance fund and the insured is involved on the basis of their contributions

(including made on their behalf).15 Membership may be legally assigned, usually based on
two criteria: 1) professional status or employer; and 2) place of residence. In some countries

insurees may have the right to choose an insurance fund.

One main characteristic of social insurance schemes is that contributions are not

related to risk. Contributions are raised mainly through wage-related (and occasionally
income-related) contributions that are shared between employers and employees. There

are differences between countries with respect to: the uniformity of the rate; the ratio of
employer contributions to employee contributions; the existence of an upper contribution

ceiling; the existence of additional non-wage-related revenues; the calculation of
contributions for non-waged persons; and the role of general government revenues in

funding.

This category includes all social insurance schemes that provide health care services,

even if their main activity is not health-related (e.g. some pension schemes would fall into
this category). Of course, only the health-related spending of these schemes is reported

under HF.1.2.1.

Country examples

Social health insurance schemes have been established in more than 60 countries all
over the world (Gottret and Schieber, 2006). Social health insurance was the major

financing scheme in thirteen OECD countries in 2009 (including Austria, France, Germany,
Japan, Korea and the Slovak Republic). Social health insurance schemes exist in many

other countries as well, though often with limited population coverage.

In some countries the law defines the entitled groups, but it is not mandatory for the

eligible persons to enrol in the programme. An example is Medicare in the United States: it
is mandatory to pay payroll taxes for Medicare, and every person aged 65 and over is

entitled to enrol in Medicare, but enrolment is not compulsory.

In many countries with social health insurance schemes, the central budget pays a

contribution on behalf of certain population groups (such as people without an income,
children, etc.). For example, in Moldova the contribution made by or on behalf of covered

persons is the basis of entitlement. In 2008, the central budget transfers to the National
Health Insurance Company accounted for 55% of its revenues, while the payroll tax

provided only 42%. Even though most of its revenues come from general government
budget transfers, this is clearly a social health insurance scheme, because the basis for

entitlement is contributory (the transfers are on behalf of specific individuals/groups of the
population, while other groups are not covered).

The criteria provided in Table 7.2 and Figure 7.2 make clear how to categorise a
financing scheme in an internationally comparable way, even when the names of the

relevant agencies may be potentially confusing. The example of Latvia was shown above to
be a government financing scheme, even though the name of the Financing Agent is the

State Compulsory Health Insurance Agency. The mode of participation is universal, i.e.
based on citizenship, and entitlement is non-contributory. In Estonia, conversely, the main

revenue sources for the Estonian health insurance fund (EHIF) are social insurance
contributions from employers and employees (called the “social tax” in Estonia). However,

the government must approve the budget for the EHIF as part of its responsibility to keep
the overall fiscal deficit within the Maastricht criteria. Despite this government

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involvement, the EHIF should be classified as a social health insurance scheme, because

entitlement to benefits is determined on a contributory basis (paid by or on behalf of the
insured persons).

Government may contribute to social health insurance schemes in its role as an
employer. For example, in Tanzania, public service employees have to participate in the

National health insurance fund, with a contribution of 3% of member’s salaries made by
the government as the employer and an equal 3% made by the employee.

In China, there are now three major schemes: i) the Urban employees’ basic medical
insurance scheme (UEBMI); ii) the New rural co-operative medical scheme (NRCMS) for the

rural population; and iii) the Urban basic health insurance scheme (UBHI), covering
elementary and middle school pupils, teenagers and young children, the elderly, the

disabled and other nonworking urban residents. Under the UEBMI, employers and
employees each pay a share of the premium, and enrolment is mandatory. For the NRCMS

and the UBHI, participation is voluntary, with the government subsidising a substantial
part of the premiums (80% at the end of the 2000s). Thus, only the first of these – the UEBMI –

should be classified as social health insurance. Because their mode of participation is
voluntary, the other two should be classified as voluntary health insurance (VHI) schemes,

despite the substantial level of public subsidies. The ICHA-HF classification makes it
possible to distinguish such schemes as a specific type of voluntary health insurance

(HF.2.1.1.2 Government-based voluntary health insurance).

There are examples where the same agency manages different schemes. In

Kyrgyzstan, for example, the same public agency (the Mandatory Health Insurance Fund, or
MHIF) is the financing agent for both a “government scheme” and a “social health

insurance” scheme. The MHIF manages a universal, population-based entitlement funded
from general revenues, as well as a contributory-based entitlement funded from a mix of

payroll tax and general budget transfers. The contributory social health insurance scheme
is explicitly complementary to the non-contributory government scheme. In Slovenia, the

compulsory health insurance fund (the Health Insurance Institute of Slovenia, HIIS) also
sells complementary voluntary health insurance, which is in competition with insurance

offered by private companies. Thus, the HIIS manages the social health insurance scheme
and one of the voluntary health insurance schemes in the country.

HF.1.2.2 Compulsory private insurance schemes. Compulsory private insurance is a
financing arrangement under which all residents (or a large group of the population) are

obliged to take out health insurance with a health insurance company or health insurance
fund, meaning that the purchase of private coverage is mandatory. The insurance is

established by (i.e. entitlement for services is based on) an insurance contract/ agreement
between the individual and the insurer.

Compulsory private insurance schemes have the following characteristics:

● Mode of participation: mandatory, either for all citizens/residents, or for a specific group

of the population obligated by law/government regulation to purchase a health
insurance policy (e.g. formal sector employees);

● Benefit entitlement: contributory, based upon the purchase of an insurance policy from
a selected health insurance company (or other agency involved);

● Basic method for fund-raising: compulsory health insurance premiums, sometimes
partially or fully subsidised by the government, including the possible use of tax

credits;16

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● Mechanism and extent of pooling funds: national, sub-national, or by scheme; with

multiple funds, the extent of pooling will depend on risk-equalisation mechanisms
across schemes. This also depends on the extent of regulation of the premium and the

standardisation of benefits across schemes.

Country examples

In the Dutch system introduced from 1 January 2006, the government heavily regulates
the market for compulsory insurance: insurers are obliged to accept anybody for the basic

package of services, and the insurance premium is unrelated to individual risks. At the
same time, the day-to-day operation of health insurance is now organised under private

law (Netherlands Ministry of Health, Welfare and Sport, 2005). Entitlement for services is
based upon a contract between the individual and the selected health insurance company.

Anyone who fails to fulfil the obligation to buy insurance becomes uninsured, and insurers
are allowed to remove the non-payers from their list. The number of uninsured was

estimated at around 1.7% of the population in 2009 (CBS, Statline, updated 31/08/2010).

Notes

In countries where insurance companies are financing agents for compulsory

insurance, insurance companies, at the same time, also offer voluntary, complementary
insurance. In this case, an insurance company acts as a financing agent for two different

financing schemes. These schemes operate under different regulations.

HF.1.3 Compulsory medical savings accounts

Compulsory Medical Savings Accounts (CMSAs) have the following characteristics:

● Mode of participation: mandatory for all citizens/residents, or for a specific group of the

population defined by law/government regulation;

● Benefit entitlement: contributory based upon the purchase of MSAs, persons having

MSAs can, however, use only the money saved, regardless of whether the saving covers
the costs of the care necessary;

● Basic method for fund-raising: compulsory, defined by law (e.g. as percent share of
income);

● Mechanism and extent of pooling funds: no pooling across individuals, except perhaps
family members.17

Under compulsory MSAs, it is legally compulsory to take out a medical savings
account; and the minimum payments and some issues concerning the use of the accounts

to pay for health services are regulated by the government. Its compulsory feature justifies
categorising it under HF.1.

Although CMSAs are a form of compulsory prepayment, the absence of inter-personal
pooling means that they should not be considered a sub-category of compulsory insurance.

The compulsory nature of the CMSA makes it different from other types of people’s
savings, including the non-compulsory MSAs found in some countries, such as China and

the United States. Where MSAs are voluntary, they are essentially indistinguishable as a
“scheme” from other types of out-of-pocket spending (under HF.3), since the “source” of

funds for such spending is household savings (or borrowing), whether or not this is from
something designated as a “health” or “medical” savings account.

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Country example

In 1984, Singapore introduced a system of medical savings accounts, called Medisave,
and it is currently the only country in the world with CMSAs. Every employed citizen is

obliged to pay 6-8% of their income – according to age – into an individual account
managed by the state. Savings in the individual medical savings accounts can be used to

pay for hospital costs and certain selected outpatient costs for a state-approved catalogue
of services (Gottret and Schieber, 2006).

HF.2 Voluntary health care payment schemes
(other than Household out-of-pocket payments)

This category includes all domestic pre-paid health care financing schemes18

under which the access to health services is at the discretion of private actors (though
this “discretion” can and often is influenced by government laws and regulations).

Included are: voluntary health insurance, NPISH financing schemes and Enterprise
financing schemes.

The term “compulsory scheme” refers to schemes where membership is made
compulsory by the government (by law). All other schemes are considered voluntary. For

instance, an employer can decide to have a group insurance for all its employees: this is
considered as voluntary insurance, although for each employee participation in the

insurance can be imposed by the employer.

There is one important difference between these schemes and household OOP

payments that is of critical policy-relevance: the presence or absence of inter-personal and/
or inter-temporal pooling, which is also reflected in the separation between the time of

payment and the time of service use. In the case of OOP payments, households must pay
the whole or part of the cost of care at the time of care delivery. OOP expenditures show the

direct financial burden of medical care for the household, which may have a catastrophic
effect on its financial situation. This justifies a separate first-digit level category for

voluntary private schemes (other than OOPs) and Out-of-pocket payments.19

HF.2.1 Voluntary health insurance schemes

Voluntary health insurance (VHI) schemes have the following characteristics:

● Mode of participation: voluntary, at the discretion of an individual or a firm;

● Benefit entitlement: contributory: based upon the purchase of the voluntary health

insurance policy (usually on the basis of a contract);

● Basic method for fund-raising: usually non-income-related premiums (often directly or

indirectly risk-related); may be directly or indirectly subsidised by the government
(e.g. through tax credits);

● Mechanism and extent of pooling funds: individual scheme level.

Voluntary health insurance is taken up and paid for at the discretion of individuals or

firms. Voluntary health insurance may also be purchased by the employer.

Premiums may be either risk-rated or community-rated, but in some countries

(e.g. France) even income-related. Voluntary insurance is usually purchased from private
insurance organisations (both for-profit and non-profit), although in some cases it may

also be purchased from public or quasi-public bodies. In several countries enterprises may
also have their own insurance arrangements.

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Sub-categories of voluntary health insurance

There are several possible aspects that distinguish different types of voluntary health
insurance. These aspects may overlap or may be combined when creating sub-categories

of voluntary health insurance. For example, both group policies and individual policies can
provide either primary or complementary coverage. The type of coverage, that is, whether

the voluntary insurance provides primary coverage or complementary coverage for an
individual, is the most important factor for defining the sub-categories.

HF.2.1.1 Primary/substitutive insurance schemes . Vo l u n t a r y h e a l t h i n s u r a n c e i s
labelled primary coverage or “substitutive” if it covers people who are excluded from or

allowed to opt out of the public system, and who are not mandated to buy private health
insurance, or simply if there is no publicly mandated system available to them (as for much

of the population under age 65 in the United States, for example). It is important to
distinguish voluntary substitutive insurance from systems where at least some people are

given the choice to either join the social health insurance or buy private insurance, but are
obliged to buy some form of health insurance. In Germany until 2009, higher-income

persons were allowed to “opt out” of the statutory insurance arrangement and did not have
to obtain any health insurance. Since 2009, health insurance has been obligatory, and

opting out is hampered by new rules on income measurement. Furthermore, a privately
insured person can return to social healthcare insurance only if that person is required by

legislation to hold social healthcare insurance (e.g. if that person’s income decreases under
certain conditions).

HF.2.1.1.1 Employer-based insurance . One main type of group insurance is insurance

purchased by employers, through a contract between the employer (the company) and the
insurance entity. The premium paid by the employer is usually risk-related at the group

level, but the contributions paid by the individuals are usually not risk-related.

HF.2.1.1.2 Government-based voluntary insurance . T h i s s p e c i f i c t y p e o f i n s u ra n c e
scheme is initiated and subsidised by the government in order to provide primary coverage

for specific groups of the population. Such schemes may be initiated, for example, when
the government does not have the administrative capacity necessary for running a

compulsory insurance. For example, in China the government has set up, operates and
heavily subsidises the New rural co-operative medical scheme (NRCMS) for the rural

population, and the Urban basic health insurance scheme (UBHI), which covers elementary
and middle school pupils, teenagers and young children, the elderly, the disabled and other

nonworking urban residents.

HF.2.1.1.3 Other primary coverage schemes . This category includes primary coverage

insurance taken by individuals or group insurance other than HF.2.1.1.1 and HF.2.1.1.2. For
example, insurance companies can offer group insurance to patient organisations and the like.

HF.2.1.2 Complementary or supplementary voluntary insurance schemes . Health
insurance can be complementary in two ways: it can cover services excluded from the
public system or it can cover cost-sharing obligations (i.e. user charges, co-payments, etc.)

required by the compulsory insurance or government health scheme. Supplementary
health insurance covers the same services as the compulsory insurance, but ensures faster

access and/or enhanced consumer choice of providers (Thomson and Mossialos, 2009).

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Complementary and supplementary VHI can exist in the same scheme, as in Ireland,

where the combined scheme covers about 50% of the population. High levels of
complementary VHI have been attained in Slovenia and France, where it covers over 70%

and 92% of the population, respectively, to reimburse the costs of statutory user charges
(ibid.). Examples of supplementary VHI include private insurance in countries such as the

United Kingdom and Spain.

Complementary VHI that reimburses cost-sharing by the patient can create an

accounting challenge. This case should be treated similarly to cases where voluntary
insurance reimburses the bill for a service not covered by compulsory insurance. The

payment is considered expenditure by the voluntary insurance. Consequently, the part of
cost-sharing reimbursed by voluntary insurance should be accounted as expenditure by

voluntary insurance, and should not be taken into consideration under OOP payment by
the households. This treatment ensures a proper attribution of health expenditures.

HF.2.1.2.1 Community-based voluntary health insurance . Community-based voluntary

health insurance implicitly provides complementary or supplementary coverage in some
lower- and middle-income countries, often in contexts where the individuals are legally

entitled to the services of government health schemes, but where such schemes are not
fully effective. Key characteristics of community-based health insurance include:

● Mode of participation: voluntary;

● Benefit entitlement: based upon contribution;

● Basic method for fund-raising: defined at local level;

● Mechanism and extent of pooling funds: at scheme level, often described as being “local

community” level. While schemes may operate on a local community level, some may

not be geographic in nature but instead be organised on another basis (e.g. the health
insurance scheme of the Self-Employed Women’s Association of India)

Community-based health insurance is a form (subcategory) of voluntary health
insurance that exists in many low- and middle-income countries, especially in Africa and

Asia (Carrin, 2003; ILO, 2005). “These schemes exist within localised communities, most
often in rural areas: members make small payments to the scheme, often annually and

after harvest time, and the scheme covers the fees charged by local health services.”
(McIntyre, 2007, p. 4)

Most community-based health insurance schemes in Sub-Saharan Africa are based on
the voluntary participation of individuals and have fewer than 500 members. The

population covered by these schemes is still relatively small in most low-income countries
(Gottret and Schieber, 2006).

Community-based voluntary health insurance may be subsidised by the central
government, as is currently the case in Rwanda.

HF.2.1.2.2 Other complementary or supplementary schemes . T h i s i n c l u d e s

complementary or supplementary schemes other than HF.2.1.2.1. It is possible to split
this category according to the characteristics of insurance premium, such as Other

complementary voluntary insurance: risk-rated premiums (HF.2.1.2.2) and Other
complementary voluntary insurance: non-risk-rated premiums (HF.2.1.2.3). Such

schemes may be employment/group-based or individually based.

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Voluntary insurance offered by the government as an employer to its employees (civil

servants) should be included here. [Note: It should be distinct from government employees
schemes (HF.1.1.1.2.)].

HF.2.2 Non-profit institutions financing schemes

NPISH financing arrangements or financing programmes consist of a “quasi-set” of

rules that define the mode of participation, entitlement and methods of fund-raising, and
hence they can be treated as categories of financing schemes.

NPISH financing schemes have the following characteristics:

● Mode of participation: voluntary;

● Benefit entitlement: non-contributory, discretionary;

● Basic method for fund-raising: donations from the general public, governments (budget

of national government or foreign aid) or corporations;

● Mechanism and extent of pooling funds: varies across programmes but typically

programme-level.

This category is proposed as a replacement for SHA 1.0 item “HF.2.4. Non-profit

institutions serving households (other than social insurance)”. The category of non-profit
institutions has proved rather ambiguous during SHA implementation. The definition in

SHA 1.0 was taken from SNA 1993: “Non-profit institutions serving households (NPISH)
consist of non-profit institutions which provide goods or services to households free or at

prices that are not economically significant.” This definition does not allow for a clear
distinction between non-profit institutions as third-party payers of health care and non-

profit institutions as providers of care. For example, hospitals may have a non-profit legal
status and provide services to households free of charge under a social insurance scheme,

in which case, of course, the social insurance is the financing scheme and the hospital
(HP.1) is the provider. The unambiguous way in which the ICHA-HF interprets financing

schemes provides a starting point.

A qualitative analysis of an NGO’s activity is always required in order to decide

whether the given activity can be regarded as the operation of a financing scheme. A few
examples are given for the different NPISH functions.

● An NPISH organisation may provide – besides their non-health activity – resources for
other NPISH that carry out the financing of special health programmes. The NPISH in

question does not have a direct relationship with providers of care. In this case NPISH is
a provider of resources and the programme of the NPISH is the financing scheme.

● A non-profit institution may create a special fund, usually through donations to finance
special types of health services, for example, to operate special facilities for the

homeless, or to provide care for households affected by natural disasters or war.
Donations may be provided in cash or in kind from the general public, corporations or

governments. During implementation, the NPISH may pay for its own staff and also for
health care providers and other entities. (For example a charity organisation may pay for

a special operation for a child abroad that is not available in the home country.) In these
cases the NPISH programme is a financing scheme.

● The “non-profit” institution may be the legal form through which providers receive
payment, for example, from a social health insurance scheme as compensation for the

services they provide. In this case the NPISH is a provider and the social health insurance
is the financing scheme.

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HF.2.3 Enterprise financing schemes

This category primarily includes arrangements where enterprises directly provide or
finance health services for their employees (such as occupational health services), without

the involvement of an insurance-type scheme. Therefore, this excludes employer-based
insurance schemes.

Enterprise financing schemes have the following characteristics:

● Mode of participation: voluntary choice of particular enterprise/corporation, with

coverage based on employment at the firm (e.g. compulsory occupational health care);

● Benefit entitlement: non-contributory, discretionary with regard to the type of services,

though may sometimes be specified by law;

● Basic method for fund-raising: voluntary choice of the firm to use its revenues for this

purpose;

● Mechanism and extent of pooling funds: at an individual enterprise level.

Compared to SHA 1.0, the change is in the label (and hence the definition) so that it
better reflects the content of the data. The label in the SHA 1.0 Manual is: “Corporations

(other than health insurance)”. This label is not accurate, as corporations may provide
revenues to other financing schemes, for example, they may pay insurance contributions

or voluntary insurance premiums. The revised category better reflects the actual role of the
enterprises accounted under this category (as financing schemes).

A distinction between two sub-categories is proposed: enterprise financing schemes
(except health care providers); and Health care providers..

Under the special category of Health care providers financing schemes (HF.2.3.2)
health care providers finance part of the services they provide to their patients from their

own sources (that are additional sources to the payment they receive from the financing
schemes). These are “imputed” expenditures included in health accounts in order to

obtain an adequate estimation of the value of the services consumed by individuals. In
fact, payments are made for the factors of health care provision by the providers or

suppliers of these factors (e.g. pharmaceuticals), as the payment by the purchasers does
not cover the full costs of providing the services concerned. For an adequate estimate of

the value of the services concerned, these specific items are estimated and accounted as
expenditure by Health care providers financing schemes (HF.2.3.2), and the revenues are

accounted as FS. 6.2. Other revenues from corporations n.e.c. These specific sources may
be as follows:

● Health care providers may have special revenues from economic activities other than the
provision of health services (for example, lending premises, providing laundry or

catering services for other institutions, or private hospitals may have revenues from
interest, etc.) and they may use these revenues to cover the costs of health services they

provide.

● A private hospital may incur a loss in one year. To balance revenues and expenditure,

the hospital may take out a loan from a commercial bank to be repaid in subsequent

periods.

● In some countries, a public hospital may accumulate arrears (unpaid bills) towards

suppliers of pharmaceuticals (or other material resources). The increase in these arrears
in the given accounting period can, in fact, be interpreted as additional financing raised

by the provider,

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Country examples

Occupational health services in several countries (e.g. in Hungary) are excluded from
the benefit package of social health insurance, and employers are obliged to finance

occupational health examinations specified by law.

HF.3 Household out-of-pocket payment

Households’ out-of-pocket expenditure by definition is regarded as a financing
scheme. Its distinguishing characteristic is that it is a direct payment for services from the

household primary income20 or savings (no third-party payer is involved): the payment is
made by the user at the time of the use of services. Included are cost-sharing and informal

payments (both in cash and kind).

Out-of-pocket payments (OOP) show the direct burden of medical costs that

households bear at the time of service use. (This is the reason for categorising OOP as a
first-digit level category of ICHA-HF.) OOP play an important role in every health care

system. In lower-income countries, out-of-pocket expenditure is often the main form of
health care financing.

OOP expenditure (schemes) is characterised by:

● Mode of participation: voluntary, based on the willingness and ability to pay of the

individual or household, though the government or voluntary insurance scheme may
specify the amount of payment that is required;

● Benefit entitlement: contributory: the service is provided if the individual pays;

● Basic method for fund-raising: voluntary, based on the decision of the household to use

the services, and therefore to pay for them.21 The government may indirectly subsidise
some OOP expenditures through tax deductions or credits;

● Mechanism and extent of pooling funds: no inter-personal pooling.

From a health policy perspective, it is important to distinguish three main types of out-

of-pocket expenditure (OOP): OOP excluding cost-sharing (HF.3.1); OOP cost-sharing with
government schemes and compulsory contributory health insurance schemes (HF.3.2.1);

and OOP cost-sharing with voluntary insurance schemes (HF.3.2.2). The role (share) of each
of these sub-categories and the changes in the share over time provide a more detailed

picture of the burden of health financing on households than does just total OOP.
Furthermore, the three types may provide important information about the effect of

government intervention in health financing.

Informal payments are considered as out-of-pocket-payments and reported under

HF.3.1. Note: only formal cost-sharing is reported under HF.3.2 (Cost sharing with third-
party payers).

Notes

A payment by the individual is not always accounted as OOP, because it may be
reimbursed by voluntary insurance or covered by the government (conditional cash

transfers) or a domestic or foreign NGO. In these cases, the payment for the health care is

technically made by the household, but not from the household’s “pocket”, i.e. not from the
household’s primary income or savings. Therefore, the first step is to deduct those items

that should be accounted as other than OOP, such as government schemes (conditional
cash allowances), voluntary insurance, NPISH financing schemes and RoW financing

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schemes. Also tax credits and income tax deductions generated by health spending should

be taken into account when estimating OOP.

The only possible sources of OOP are the household’s income (including remittances)

or savings or loans that it has taken out. (Chapter 8 provides a table for distinguishing OOP
from payments made by households but not accounted as out-of-pocket payment.)

The payments from Voluntary Medical Saving Accounts for health care services or
goods in the given accounting period are regarded as a special type of out-of-pocket

payment, but not accounted separately from OOP. Note: The payments into Voluntary
Medical Saving Accounts in the given accounting period are not included in the HF tables,

as they are not payments for health care services or goods.

Households as an institutional sector are defined as the financing agent for household

out-of-pocket payments.

It is important to distinguish households as an institutional sector and household OOP

as a financing scheme. Households, as an institutional sector, play several roles in the
health system: as beneficiaries, as providers of sources to third-party financing schemes

(by paying taxes and/or insurance contributions and/or insurance premiums); as informal
providers of care; and last but not least, as a financing agent for OOP.

The special case of household cost-sharing covered by voluntary insurance has been
discussed above under complementary voluntary health insurance.

HF.4 Rest of the world financing schemes

This item comprises financial arrangements involving institutional units (or managed

by institutional units) that are resident abroad, but who collect, pool resources and
purchase health care goods and services on behalf of residents, without transiting their

funds through a resident scheme. For example, a person resident in country A can buy a
voluntary insurance in country B and can use that insurance to pay for services in either

Country A or B. US citizens of Mexican origin, for instance, may buy health insurance in
Mexico that gives them emergency cover in the United States but pays for elective

treatment in Mexico.

A resident scheme has the predominant economic interest in the country for which

the accounts are drawn up. It has a physical presence in the country and is under the
jurisdiction of the local government (e.g. compulsory reporting activities). Non-resident

(RoW) schemes may also operate in the country for which the health accounts are
produced, but these schemes originate with and are controlled by agencies subject to

foreign government jurisdiction, including, for example, aid agencies and military
agencies.

Rest of the world financing arrangements are defined according to the following
characteristics:

● Mode of participation: 1) mandatory, e.g. based on the conditions of employment (such
as foreign insurance), or 2) voluntary;

● Basis for entitlement: 1) a contract between an insurance carrier and the individual, or
2) discretion of a private entity (charity foundation, employer, foreign entity);

● Method for fund raising: funds are collected and pooled abroad;

● Coverage: foreign entities usually have the freedom to design the benefits.

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Note that the rest of the world usually contributes to the financing of health care in

the example of a typical model economy, as international aid and other flows, by
channelling the funds via government or resident NPISH agencies. This is a typical case of

RoW revenue for resident financing schemes, and could thus be classified as HF.1 or HF.2
spending and RoW revenue.

International agreements strive to ensure that external funding agencies work with
resident health care agencies to ensure that external resources (financing revenues) are

directed towards national priorities in a co-ordinated way. There is a need for reporting to
national authorities and co-ordinating with national efforts to achieve that goal and foster

complementary health actions. Agencies managing external funds for aid would then be
acting as residents (resident units and schemes). If SHA adjusts for international aid

agreements, the external resources would be recorded as external sources (revenues) and
would in most cases be executed by resident schemes, grouped as NGOs and corporations.

It is not always clear whether a foreign assistance programme should be accounted as
i) a financing RoW source (FS), or ii) both as a financing RoW source and a financing RoW

scheme.

In the case of enclaves, these are non-resident units that are physically located in the

host territory but have immunity from the host country laws (e.g. international
organisations and embassies). When health care for the personnel of enclaves does not

require any allowance or jurisdiction of the resident country, then the foreign health
scheme should be classified as a RoW financing scheme (HF.4). However, an entity created

by a government under the laws of another jurisdiction is a resident unit in the host
jurisdiction, and not part of the general government sector in either economy (SNA 2008, 26.43).

Thus, a foreign aid programme set up by an external aid organisation to handle resources
in a foreign country is to be considered as a resident NGO or corporation in that country.

Foreign assistance may be given for a specific purpose (e.g. an AIDS programme), and
a separate organisation, also part of the foreign entity, may be established to manage the

fund, which is not necessarily involved in the provision of the service.

When the scheme is part of a global or multinational entity but is operated in the

country as a “branch”, it is considered resident, e.g. an insurance agency having a local
setting is resident. The key feature is that it shares permanent economic interests with

local entities, as well as a physical presence; individual accounting and linkages to the
rules of local governments, such as reporting, are also features of resident schemes.

However, when the scheme cannot be differentiated as a specific “branch” but is kept
as a unique scheme because it is run as an indivisible operation with no separate accounts,

then it is treated as a RoW scheme. The value of multinational schemes reported as RoW
schemes cannot be taken as the entirety of multinational schemes, but would be based

prorata on the volume of activity in the country.

Specific conceptual issues

The interpretation of “public” and “private”

In accounting for health financing, it is possible to calculate aggregate “public” and
“private” expenditures using either the classification of financing schemes or the

classification of revenues of financing schemes. In either case, there is some ambiguity

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about whether to classify revenues for or expenditures by “compulsory private” schemes as

public or private.22 SHA 2011 groups them with public expenditures:

● The calculation of expenditures by financing schemes will yield the following two major

expenditure aggregates:

● Expenditure by government schemes and compulsory contributory health care

financing schemes; and

● Expenditure by voluntary health care financing schemes.

● The calculation of expenditures by the revenues of financing schemes will yield the
following two major aggregates:

● Health spending by public and compulsory private funds;

● Health spending by voluntary funds.

Which approach is to be taken depends on the purpose of the analysis. The main
distinction between the two is that in the first approach the division is performed on the

level of the schemes, and follows the HF division. This approach does not account for the
sources of the funds but gives information about the extent of public regulation of the

healthcare system. The second approach, on the contrary, focuses on dividing the
sources that feed into the financial schemes. It thus provides information about the

publicly or privately regulated revenue. In other words, if the first approach answers the
question, who manages the health funds, the second approach answers the question,

who pays them. The second approach (public and private calculated according to the type
of revenue) is clearly superior for meeting the objective of reporting the share of

government versus non-government expenditure in the health sector. This would, for
example, ensure that the large increases in spending by the Chinese government to

subsidise the NCRMS, a voluntary insurance scheme, would indeed be counted as public
expenditure.

Showing “compulsory private” in a separate category allows the analyst to calculate
public and private shares by either including these with government spending, or not.

Within the expenditure by government schemes and compulsory contributory health care
financing schemes, it is possible to separate two sub-aggregates: 1) expenditure by

government and social health insurance; and 2) expenditure by compulsory private
schemes (see Table 7.5).

Tables 7.5 and 7.6 provide explanations for the recommended approaches and show
the relevant categories.

The categories used (instead of “public” and “private”) provide a more adequate picture
of the structure of spending by the current complex financing arrangements.

The categories (expenditure aggregates) of “Expenditure by government schemes and
compulsory contributory health care financing schemes” and “Expenditure by voluntary

health care financing schemes”, however, do not take into consideration that voluntary
health care financing schemes may receive revenues from government. For example, total

spending by NPISH financing schemes is accounted as private expenditure – although the
revenue of NPISH financing schemes may partly come from government transfers. Under

the other approach (Table 7.6), all spending from government general revenues on health is
accounted as spending from public funds, including transfers to private financing

schemes.

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Under the above approach, the following categories are defined:

● Public funds include: i) funds allocated from general revenues of government for
government schemes; ii) funds created from social insurance contributions; iii) transfers

allocated from general revenues of government to health care financing schemes other
than government schemes (grants, subsidies and transfers to NPISH, etc.); and iv) foreign

revenues of government allocated to health care;

● Compulsory/Mandatory private funds are funds created from compulsory private insurance

premiums and payment for compulsory MSAs. The explicit identification of these types
of funds enables the analyst to classify them as either public or private. The decision

about which approach (compulsory/public or private) is considered more appropriate
will depend on the nature of the analysis to be performed;

● Voluntary private funds, including all other funds.

Table 7.5. Expenditure by social, compulsory private
and private health care financing schemes

Financing schemes Major expenditure aggregates

HF.1 Government financing schemes and compulsory contributory
health care financing schemes

Expenditure by government schemes and compulsory
contributory health care financing schemes

HF.1.1 Government financing schemes Expenditure by government and social health insurance

HF.1.2.1 Social health insurance

HF.1.2.2 Compulsory private health insurance Expenditure by compulsory private schemes – analyst can
choose whether to include these as part of aggregate public or
private spending

HF.1.3 Compulsory Medical Saving Accounts (CMSA)

HF.2 Voluntary health care payment schemes (other than OOP)

HF.2.1 Voluntary health insurance

HF.2.2 NPISH- financing schemes Private expenditure

HF.2.3 Enterprise financing schemes

HF.3 Household out-of-pocket payment

HF.4 Rest of the world financing programmes

Source: IHAT for SHA 2011.

Table 7.6. Health spending from public, compulsory private and private funds

Revenue of financing schemes Major expenditure aggregates

FS.1 Transfers from government domestic revenue

Public and compulsory private funds spent on
health care

FS.2 Transfers distributed by government from foreign origin

FS.3 Social insurance contributions

FS.4 Compulsory prepayment (other than FS.3)

FS.7.1.1/FS.7.1.2 Bilateral and multilateral financial transfers

FS.7.2.1.1/FS.7.2.1.2 Bilateral and multilateral aid in kind

FS.7.2.2.1 Foreign aid in kind: services (technical assistance (TA) by
governments and international organisations

FS.5 Voluntary prepayment

Voluntary private funds spent on health care

FS.6 Other domestic revenues n.e.c.

FS.7.1.3 Other foreign financial transfers

FS.7.2.1.3 Other foreign aid in goods

FS.7.2.2.2 Foreign aid in kind: services (including TA) by private entities

FS.7.3 Other foreign transfers (n.e.c.)

Source: IHAT for SHA 2011.

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As already noted, the main difference between the two recommended approaches to

the revised interpretation of “public” versus “private” expenditure is the treatment of
transfers allocated from general revenues of government to health care financing schemes

(other than government schemes). In order to determine total public spending on health,
all government transfers including those to private entities need to be included.

Treatment of cost-sharing

There are three components of coverage by a third-party financing scheme (insurance

or government scheme): population coverage, the service package covered and the share of
the costs of the given services covered by the scheme. Cost-sharing by the patients should

be considered as a component of out-of-pocket payment and should not be considered as
expenditure by a third-party financing scheme. The concept, the monitoring and the

assessment of financial protection require a clear distinction between the share of the
costs covered by compulsory insurance (or a government scheme) and the share of the

costs paid by the patients. Obviously, a high level of cost-sharing by the patients
jeopardises financial protection. Thomson and Mossialos (2009) emphasised that: “Several

countries have made efforts to expand population coverage … However, the scope and
depth of coverage are as important as its universality, and the trend in some countries to

lower scope and depth undermines financial protection” (p. xxi).

Voluntary insurance may reimburse cost-sharing by the patient. This case should be

treated similarly to the case when voluntary insurance reimburses the bill of a service not
covered by compulsory insurance. The payment is considered expenditure by the

voluntary insurance. Consequently, the part of cost-sharing reimbursed by voluntary
insurance should be accounted as expenditure by voluntary insurance, and should not be

considered as OOP payment by the households. This treatment ensures that a proper
picture of financial protection is provided. It should, however, be noted that the

characteristics of the coverage by the government scheme or insurance determine the
household cost-sharing, which is a component of household out-of-pocket payment (OOP).

The full cost of the services or goods concerned accounts for its two payer components: the
third-party payer and the OOP. As the full costs of the services or goods concerned are also

important information, the following memorandum items are included in the
classification: government schemes and compulsory contributory health insurance

schemes, together with cost-sharing (HF.1+HF.3.2.1); and Voluntary health insurance
schemes, together with cost-sharing (HF.2+HF.3.2.2).

Relationship between financing schemes and financing agents

Financing agents are institutional units that manage one or more financing schemes:
they collect revenues and/or purchase services under the rules of the given health care

financing scheme(s). This includes households as financing agents for out-of-pocket
payments.

SHA 2011 interprets financing schemes as the key components of the health financing
system from the point of view of access to care, and hence connects them to providers and

health care functions in the SHA’s tri-axial system.

At the same time, from the point of view of the accountability of institutions in the

health financing system, it is also important to consider the financing agents. Increasing
accountability at the country level through improved governance and efficiency is a key

policy issue. This requires an understanding of who manages the financial schemes

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A SYSTEM OF HEALTH ACCOUNTS 2011 © OECD, EUROPEAN UNION, WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION184

(financial resources) and how well they do this. In other words, at the country level

financing agents may be a critical element of the analysis. Table 7.7 provides a tool to
illustrate the institutional arrangements of a country’s financing schemes.

As already mentioned, financing agents (FA) serve as key statistical units in producing
national health accounts. While financing schemes are the key units for analysing how the

consumption of health care goods and services is financed, the data concerning the
relevant transactions are collected either from the financing agents (FA) that operate the

different financing schemes or from the providers, depending on the national statistical
system. To put it another way, the categories of health care financing schemes are key

analytical units of SHA 2011 with respect to which data are to be collected from financing
agents (FA) or providers. Annex D provides a classification of financing agents. Table 7.7

shows the possible financing agents for the main types of financing schemes.

As already discussed, there are wide variations in the organisational settings of the

basic health care financing schemes across countries. In the case of countries with
complex institutional settings, it is of great importance to distinguish clearly between

financing schemes and financing agents, and to clarify unambiguously the different
possible roles of key institutional units involved in health financing (e.g. the government,

the rest of the world).

In several countries there is a one-to-one correspondence between financing schemes

and financing agents (Figure 7.3). For example, in Country A with a simple organisational
arrangement, all government-financed care may be operated by local government units,

voluntary insurance is offered by insurance companies, and households pay out-of-pocket
for certain services.

The one-to-one correspondence is, however, not necessary from a theoretical point of
view. Moreover, in reality, there are many countries where the relationship between

financing schemes and financing agents is rather complex and has changed considerably
over the past few years (Figure 7.4). For example:

Table 7.7. Possible financing agents for the main categories of financing schemes

Financing schemes Financing agents

Revenue-collecting agencies Purchasing agents

Government schemes Government unit(s) Government units: ministries, local governments
NPISH
Corporations

Social health insurance schemes Government unit
National Health Insurance Agency
Social health insurance funds
Private insurance corporations

National Health Insurance Agency
Social health insurance funds
Private insurance corporations

Compulsory private insurance schemes Government units
Private insurance corporations

Private insurance corporations
Public corporations

Voluntary health insurance schemes Private insurance corporations
Social health insurance funds
NPISH

Private insurance corporations
Social health insurance funds
NPISH

NPISH financing schemes NPISH NPISH

Enterprise financing schemes Corporations Corporations

Rest of the world financing schemes RoW RoW
NPISH
Government units

Source: IHAT for SHA 2011.

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A SYSTEM OF HEALTH ACCOUNTS 2011 © OECD, EUROPEAN UNION, WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION 185

● The same actor can serve as a financing agent for more than one financing scheme

(e.g. private insurance corporations, besides offering voluntary insurance, may be
involved in managing the social insurance scheme);

● Actors belonging to different institutional sectors of the economy can serve as financing
agents for the same financing scheme (e.g. the compulsory social insurance scheme can

be managed – at the same time in a given country – by both a social insurance agency
and private insurance corporations);

● The same actor (e.g. the tax office) can act as a collecting organisation for more than one
financing scheme (e.g. central government scheme and social insurance, etc.).

Expenditure by health care financing schemes and financing agents

While for international comparison the HCxHF and the HFxHP tables provide
adequate information, for national purposes expenditure by both financing schemes and

financing agents may be required. It may be possible to create sub-categories of financing
schemes according to the financing agents that operate the given scheme, for example,

“Central government financing schemes operated by NPISH”; “Social health insurance
operated by social security funds”; or “Social health insurance operated by private

insurance corporations”. (A separate set of guidelines for the implementation of
classifications of health care financing under SHA 2011 will provide concrete examples

for this.)

This kind of table would present important information about the institutional

arrangements of the particular financing schemes. The total spending by a financing
scheme would be aggregated across all institutional units. When more than one type of

institutional unit is involved in the operation of a given financing scheme, the table would
show the role of each institutional unit.

The expenditure of a financing scheme includes the spending on health care goods
and services and the administration of the given financing scheme. The administration of

Figure 7.3. The relationship between financing schemes and financing agents:
one-to-one correspondence

Source: IHAT for SHA 2011.

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A SYSTEM OF HEALTH ACCOUNTS 2011 © OECD, EUROPEAN UNION, WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION186

a given financing scheme includes expenses related to revenue collection and purchasing.
Therefore, if two different institutional units are involved in the revenue collection and

purchasing, the administrative costs of both institutional units should be included.

This table may be used f or cro ss-country co mparison of the institutio nal
characteristics of health financing and also for monitoring changes in the institutional

arrangements of health financing schemes in countries with complex institutional
arrangements, for example, changes in the institutional arrangement of compulsory

insurance, or changes in the involvement of NGOs in managing government health
programmes. Countries with simple institutional arrangements for health financing do not

need such a table.

The relationship between financing schemes and financing agents
from a data collection viewpoint

As already noted, in a statistical sense, HF is an analytical unit (similar to HC). The

data collection units are the establishment units of financing agents or providers
(depending on the country’s statistical system) – similar to the data collection for HC,
which is also collected from providers (or financing institutions).

In some countries (for example, the Netherlands), commercial health insurance

companies operate both compulsory health insurance, which is heavily regulated by the
government, and voluntary health insurance, which is regulated by EU regulations that

allow only very limited government intervention. Units of the insurance company
managing the compulsory insurance and units managing the voluntary health insurance

should be considered as separate establishment units, in much the same way as inpatient
and outpatient units within a hospital (despite the fact that there are units of the insurance

company serving both activities).

For example, in Portugal, the main financing scheme is the National Health Service

(HF.1.1 Government schemes). However, the data for preparing the table HCxHF are collected

Figure 7.4. The relationship between financing schemes and financing agents:
example of a more complex institutional setting

Source: IHAT for SHA 2011.

I.7. CLASSIFICATION OF HEALTH CARE FINANCING SCHEMES (ICHA-HF)

A SYSTEM OF HEALTH ACCOUNTS 2011 © OECD, EUROPEAN UNION, WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION 187

from several sources: for example, from the ACSS, which is a body of the Ministry of Health

operating the National Health Service and retail sale surveys for pharmaceuticals.

Distinguishing between government schemes and government
as an institutional unit

Government is involved in the operation of the health financing system – in revenue-

raising, pooling and purchasing – in several different ways. Figure 7.5 provides an example of
the relationship between government schemes and the involvement of government as a

provider of revenues and as a financing agent. The marked boxes in the second column
indicate the government financing schemes (HF.1.1.1 and HF.1.1.2); the marked boxes in the

first column indicate the revenues provided by the government; and the marked boxes in the
third column indicate the government units acting as financing agents for HF.1.1.1 and HF.1.1.2.

Figure 7.5 shows that:

● The government provides revenues from domestic origin (FS.1) not only for the

government schemes (HF.1.1), but also for other financing schemes (e.g. compulsory
social insurance: HF.1.2.1, voluntary health insurance HF.2.1, etc.);

● The government schemes may receive revenues from sources other than the general
revenues of the government (e.g. foreign aid: FS.7.2);

● The central government schemes (HF.1.1.1) may be managed by different government
units (FA.1.1.2; FA.1.2; FA.1.9) and have NGOs as financing agents (FA.4);

● Local government schemes (HF.1.1.2), besides the general revenues of the local
government, may receive grants from the central government (FS.1.1) and grants from

foreign entities (FS.7.1);

● Local government financing schemes (HF.1.1.2) may be managed by local government
units (FA.1.2), other government units (FA.1.9) and NGOs (FA.4).

Distinguishing between rest of the world financing schemes, foreign entities
as providers of revenues and foreign entities as financing agents23

The role of foreign resources (from international agencies, foundations, etc.) in the
financing of health care may be of great importance in lower-income countries. Here only

the complex relationships between the health care financing schemes, their revenue and
the institutional units are discussed. The shaded boxes in Figure 7.6 indicate the different

types of rest-of-the-world involvement. Figure 7.6 illustrates:

● Foreign entities are involved mainly in providing financial resources and aid in kind for

domestic health care financing schemes. The rest of the world (as a provider of revenues)
may include international organisations, foreign governments and other foreign entities

(including family living abroad – remittances). Figure 7.6 shows only the types of revenue
(and does not indicate the institutional units from which the given revenue is collected).

● RoW may provide revenues for government schemes (HF.1.1) or NPISH health programmes
(HF.2.2), or a foreign entity (e.g. a foundation) may set up a separate health programme that –

if meeting certain criteria – could be regarded as a financing scheme (HF.4).

● A foreign (non-resident) institutional unit (FA.6) may be involved in managing RoW

financing schemes (for example, a foreign NGO may implement a prevention
programme that is financed from foreign aid).

● In some cases providers receive external funds directly. These cases refer to RoW as
sources (revenues).

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The treatment of surplus funds or deficits under SHA 201124

The HCxHF and HPxHF tables show the spending by health care financing schemes in a

given accounting period, while the HFxFS table refers to all revenues of health care financing
schemes raised in the given period. A scheme’s revenue may be greater or smaller than the

expenditure on health care goods and services by the given scheme.25 Therefore, the total
expenditure in the HCxHF and HPxHF tables does not necessarily equal the total revenue in

the HFxFS table. The differences between the sub-totals in HFxFS and HCxHF (revenue minus
expense of each financing scheme) shows the surplus or deficit of the particular financing

schemes in a given accounting period.

Social insurance schemes in several countries finance not only health care goods and

services but other social services as well. In such cases, only “health-relevant revenues” and
health-related expenditures should be taken into account. As revenues may not be fully

separated between the different spending components of such social insurance schemes,
a number of assumptions may be needed. It is possible to analyse the deficits and

surpluses of such health insurance schemes, but this may be highly influenced by
assumptions about how to calculate “health-related revenues”.

Figure 7.5. An example of the relationship between government schemes,
government as a provider of financial resources and government as a financing

agent

Source: IHAT for SHA 2011.

I.7. CLASSIFICATION OF HEALTH CARE FINANCING SCHEMES (ICHA-HF)

A SYSTEM OF HEALTH ACCOUNTS 2011 © OECD, EUROPEAN UNION, WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION 189

An alternative tool for presenting the surplus or deficit is the table of sectoral accounts

discussed in Annex D.

Relationship to other statistical systems

Figure 7.7 shows the concept of the financing scheme in the context of SHA 2011 and

SNA 2008.

Main steps in adjusting SHA 1.0 or NHA Producers Guide of a country to SHA
2011 accounting of health financing

A qualitative analysis can be a good basis for the adjustment of a country’s national

health accounts to the SHA 2011 health financing framework. This may include:

● As a first step, clarifying the types of health care financing schemes (sub-systems) the

country has (for example, based on Table 7.3 and the criteria tree in Figure 7.2);

● Defining the types of revenues and financing agents for each financing scheme. The clarification

of all types of revenues and institutional units involved may require additional qualitative
analysis in the case of government schemes and the rest of the world financing

programmes (see Figures 7.5 and 7.6).

Based on this qualitative description:

● The correspondence between the SHA 1.0/PG categories of ICHA-HF used in the NHAs of
the given country and the SHA 2011 categories of ICHA-HF can be made (see Table 7.4).

In many cases this requires only changes in the naming;

Figure 7.6. The possible roles of foreign resources and foreign (non-resident)
institutional units in health financing

Source: IHAT for SHA 2011.

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A SYSTEM OF HEALTH ACCOUNTS 2011 © OECD, EUROPEAN UNION, WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION190

● The country-relevant categories of the proposed classification for financing agents and

classification of revenues of health financing schemes can be identified;

● Any optional tools that may be relevant to the further development of the NHAs of the

given country can be chosen (see proposed optional tables and sectoral accounts);

● It can be decided whether a specific analysis of foreign assistance is desirable.

Notes

1. For countries that have found it useful to identify who is purchasing the various production
factors, the HFxFP table may also be relevant. An example of this is where some non-resident
entities in the rest of the world (RoW) may supply in kind (or finance) specific inputs. A central
government may concentrate on the payment of human resources.

2. FS.RI refers to the institutional units providing revenues to financing schemes. These are reporting
items under the FS classification. See Chapter 8 for further detail.

3. Government financing programmes, compulsory social insurance, voluntary insurance, out-of-
pocket payments, foreign aid programmes, etc.

4. Definitions of these concepts are provided in the next section of the Manual.

5. Financing schemes are a flexible approach to functional financing structures, e.g. they can include
mixed functional arrangements such as public-private partnerships.

6. Traditionally in the Netherlands, private insurance companies could execute the social health
insurance, just as the health insurance funds were allowed to execute private supplementary
insurance. To do so separate legal structures were mandatory for each activity. Since the change in
the financing structures in 2006, this is no longer the case, although separate accounts are required
for each activity.

7. The HFxFS matrix provides aggregate information about revenue collection in the whole health
care sector. There may be a need for more in-depth information about the collection and use of

Figure 7.7. Financing schemes in the context of SHA 2011 and SNA 2008

Source: IHAT for SHA 2011.

I.7. CLASSIFICATION OF HEALTH CARE FINANCING SCHEMES (ICHA-HF)

A SYSTEM OF HEALTH ACCOUNTS 2011 © OECD, EUROPEAN UNION, WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION 191

resources (including information on deficits/surpluses) concerning the major financing schemes
separately. Sectoral accounts provide a tool for this.

8. The categories of the institutional sectors in SNA (such as households, corporations, government,
rest of the world) are used to represent institutional units as providers of revenues in the relevant
SHA tables.

9. Gottret and Schieber (2006) proposed the following financing arrangements, which involve different
risk-pooling mechanisms: Ministry of Health/National health service systems, Social health
insurance systems, Community-based health insurance and Private or voluntary health insurance.

10. Generally speaking, public law governs the relationship between individuals (citizens, companies)
and the state. Private law is the area of law that affects the relationships between individuals or
groups without the intervention of the state or government. This distinction is often conflated.

11. The word scheme is widely used in different areas, including mathematics, linguistics and
management, with different meanings, including: an elaborate and systematic plan of action; a
system: a group of independent but interrelated elements comprising a unified whole; or a systematic
or organised configuration. The term health care financing scheme is widely used in the health policy
literature as a synonym for a health financing arrangement or a health financing sub-system.

12. Table 7.4 compares the structure of the ICHA-HF classification in SHA 2011 with that in SHA 1.0.

13. This category includes informal payments. De facto the cost-sharing would include informal
payments. However, usually informal or under-the-table payments are not seen as cost-sharing
but as genuine out-of-pocket payments.

14. Conditional cash transfers by the government (CCT) are payments that are conditioned on specific
action by the recipients, i.e. requiring individuals receiving cash payments to undertake a specific
action, for example, attendance at primary care centres for preventive interventions (childhood
immunisation and pregnancy care, such as perinatal visits and nutrition). Over the past few years,
several Latin American and African countries have introduced CCT programmes to encourage
health care utilisation and health-seeking behaviour. For more detail, see WHO (2008c).

15. Insured people enrol with a fund.

16. Tax credits are amounts deductible from the tax that otherwise would be payable.

17. The savings account may cover, besides the owner of the account, dependent family members, and
hence, there is pooling only within this very small group. Because the savings account can be
maintained over many years, it provides for inter-temporal pooling.

18. Voluntary health care payment schemes (HF.2) do not have to come from a private initiative. For
example, the Thai government initiated a voluntary health insurance scheme, and the current
Chinese NRCMS is also a voluntary insurance scheme that was initiated by the government.

19. While out-of-pocket expenditures are the leading cause of potentially catastrophic and
impoverishing levels of health payments globally, the text here should not be read to imply that
other forms of contributions do not impose a financial burden on households.

20. According to SNA, primary income is the income that resident units receive by virtue of their
participation in the production process, along with income receivable by owners of financial or
other assets in return for placing those assets at the disposal of other institutional units.

21. The use of the word “voluntary” here is debatable, as the government or insurance scheme may
impose the obligation to co-pay for the services.

22. The current practice in using the terms “public” and “private” in health financing has some
ambiguity. This is in part because the terms “public” and “private” can be (and are) used with
different meanings in health statistics. SHA 1.0 defined the private sector as follows: “This
comprises all resident institutional units which do not belong to the government sector.” If this
definition were strictly applied, compulsory private insurance and social insurance schemes
executed by private insurance companies would be reported under private expenditure, together
with voluntary insurance and OOP. (This obviously would not be appropriate.)

23. The arrows show the flows of revenues and the solid lines show the relationships between
financing schemes and financing agents.

24. The arrows show the flows of revenues and the solid lines show the relationships between
financing schemes and financing agents.

25. Under SHA 1.0/NHA tables, total current health expenditure is required to be equal in the HCxHF and
HFxFS tables. The HFxFS table is expected to show the sources of the expenditure used for final
consumption in the given accounting period. SHA 2011 has a different interpretation of the HFxFS table.

From:
A System of Health Accounts
2011 Edition

Access the complete publication at:
https://doi.org/10.1787/9789264116016-en

Please cite this chapter as:

OECD/World Health Organization/Eurostat (2011), “Classification of Health Care Financing Schemes (ICHA-
HF)”, in A System of Health Accounts: 2011 Edition, OECD Publishing, Paris.

DOI: https://doi.org/10.1787/9789264116016-9-en

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  • Part I. Foundations of the System of Health Accounts
    • Chapter 7. Classification of Health Care Financing Schemes (ICHA-HF)
      • Introduction
      • Main concept
        • Summary of the accounting framework for health care financing
        • Key concepts
          • Figure 7.1. A graphical representation of SHA 2011 financing framework
          • Table 7.1. Key health financing concepts and classifications in SHA 2011 and SHA 1.0/Producers Guide
        • The concept and main categories of health care financing schemes
          • Table 7.2. Main criteria of health care financing schemes
          • Figure 7.2. Criteria tree for health care financing schemes
      • Definition of health care financing schemes
        • Table 7.3. Classification of health care financing schemes
        • Table 7.4. ICHA-HF in SHA 2011 in comparison to SHA 1.0
      • Explanatory notes to the ICHA-HF classification of health care financing schemes
        • HF.1. Government schemes and compulsory contributory health care financing schemes
        • HF.2. Voluntary health care payment schemes (other than Household out-of-pocket payments)
        • HF.3. Household out-of-pocket payment
        • HF.4. Rest of the world financing schemes
      • Specific conceptual issues
        • The interpretation of “public” and “private”
          • Table 7.5. Expenditure by social, compulsory private and private health care financing schemes
          • Table 7.6. Health spending from public, compulsory private and private funds
        • Treatment of cost-sharing
        • Relationship between financing schemes and financing agents
          • Table 7.7. Possible financing agents for the main categories of financing schemes
          • Figure 7.3. The relationship between financing schemes and financing agents: one-to-one correspondence
          • Figure 7.4. The relationship between financing schemes and financing agents: example of a more complex institutional setting
        • Expenditure by health care financing schemes and financing agents
        • The relationship between financing schemes and financing agents from a data collection viewpoint
        • Distinguishing between government schemes and government as an institutional unit
          • Figure 7.5. An example of the relationship between government schemes, government as a provider of financial resources and government as a financing agent
        • Distinguishing between rest of the world financing schemes, foreign entities as providers of revenues and foreign entities as financing agents
          • Figure 7.6. The possible roles of foreign resources and foreign (non-resident) institutional units in health financing
        • The treatment of surplus funds or deficits under SHA 2011
        • Relationship to other statistical systems
          • Figure 7.7. Financing schemes in the context of SHA 2011 and SNA 2008
      • Main steps in adjusting SHA 1.0 or NHA Producers Guide of a country to SHA 2011 accounting of health financing
      • Notes
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