problem 1 chicago white sox

1. Here are the Chicago White Sox attendance figures for their 82 home games from 1995 through 2006.

Year                       Attendance                                                        Year                       Attendance

1995                       1,609,773                                                             2001                       1,766,172

1996                       1,676,416                                                             2002                       1,676,416

1997                       1,865,222                                                             2003                       1,939,594

1998                       1,391,146                                                             2004                       1,930,537

1999                       1,338,851                                                             2005                       2,342,834

2000                       1,947,799                                                             2006                       2,957,414

Predict the White Sox attendance for 2007. Please Show all formula use to get the attendance for 2007

I received an F and a D for the phase 3 individual projects, please follow the instructons/ please s

I received an F and a D for the phase 3 individual projects, please follow the instructons/ please see phase 5 assingnment, there is no Discussion board for social psychology

 

i will send the individual projects once i receive this work.

Criminal Procedure(CJUS375-1602A-01)

 

 

Type: Discussion Board

Unit:  Trial by Jury and Sentencing Options

Due Date:  Sun, 5/8/16

Grading Type: Numeric

Points Possible:  40

Points Earned:  0

Deliverable Length:  at least 3 paragraphs

View objectives for this assignment

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Assignment Details

Scenario

Learning Materials

Reading Assignment

 

Primary Discussion Response is due by Wednesday (11:59:59pm Central), Peer Responses are due by Sunday (11:59:59pm Central).

Summative Discussion Board

Review and reflect on the knowledge you have gained from this course. Based on your review and reflection, write at least 3 paragraphs on the following:

What were the most compelling topics learned in this course?

How did participating in discussions help your understanding of the subject matter? Is anything still unclear that could be clarified?

What approaches could have yielded additional valuable information?

The Rogerian Proposal

 

—-Professor Geek ONLY—–

 

Rogerian Assignment Instructions

 

Please note that the following is the assignment directions for the Rogerian essay, due during week seven.

 

Instructions: Please carefully read the following assignment details in its entirety. There are many components to this particular assignment, and each component is graded.

This essay should be between 900 and 1000 words.  It must include an annotated bibliography.

First, you will choose a topic of interest that has at least two opposing sides (please do not reuse your Toulmin essay topic). Then, you need to research that topic in order to specify the topic’s scope, so it can be easily discussed in 1000 word essay.

The following overused topics may not be used in your essay:

gun control,

 

abortion,
capital punishment,
gay marriage,
gays in the military,
mandatory drug testing,
euthanasia,
childhood obesity,
women in the military,
diets (including the Palio diet),
workout regiments (including CrossFit),
underage drinking,
and the legalization of marijuana. 

This essay must include a minimum of five sources.  Three should peer-reviewed sources, preferably from the APUS databases.  You may use eBooks; however, as discussed in your textbook, books generally are not as current as peer-reviewed articles.  You may also use primary sources (interviews, statistics, etc); however, these primary sources should be obtained from experts within that field.  If you cannot find strong sources for your chosen topic, then change your topic. If you have a question about the validity of a source, please email me, or post your question to the open forum. 

Make sure to include the following sections in your essay:

an introduction and claim,
background,
body,
and a conclusion.

Within the body of your essay, make sure to include the following in any order:

The background for your chosen topic,
the opposition – use an academic tone, and do not show bias,
the strengths and weaknesses of your opponents claim,
scholarly research,
your claim — use an academic tone, and do not show bias,
discuss the warrants for your claim and the opposition in order to find the common ground,
and show the common ground between your opponents claim and your claim.

After you have written your essay, please make sure to revise the content of your essay. Lastly, be sure to edit your essay by checking grammar, format, and smaller technical details. Please make sure your essay is written in third person.

 

Question 1. Please state your proposed topic for the Rogerian essay and briefly explain what the issue is with the topic. Please also state your stance on this issue.

 

 

 

Question 2. State your proposed thesis statement for this topic. Remember, your thesis statement is a complete sentence.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Question 3. List a peer-reviewed source that you plan to use in this essay. You must show both an in-text and a works cited citation for this source. *Note: To receive credit for this question, the source must be peer-reviewed and correctly cited (a hanging indent is not required to receive credit).

 

Question 4. Give a tentative outline for your essay. Remember, your essay must have the following components: introduction and claim, background, the opposition (given without bias), claim, warrants for both your claim and the opposition, the common ground between your claim and the opposition, the conclusion. Clarify these components in your outline. Your outline may be a topic or sentence outline.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Question 5. Explain why you chose this topic. Is this an issue that affects you somehow? Is this an area of interest for you in your studies? To receive credit for your response, you must use complete sentences.

 

Risk Response Plan Use the same company/project idea you used in the Week 2 Learning Team… 1 answer below »

Risk Response Plan

Usethe same company/project idea you used in the Week 2 Learning Team assignment.

Write a 1,050- to 1,400-word paper in which you address each of the following items: What is the purpose of a risk response plan? What is a risk owner? Who should be appointed to own risk on a project? What is a risk owner's role in the risk response plan? How should a project manager assess and deal with risk? List and describe the most common areas of the project where risks can originate. List and discuss at least two types of risk for each area.
In the project you discussed in Week 1, what were the risks, and how were they handled? Should they have been handled differently?

compare and contrast role hypoxia hypercapnia simulators ventilation

Compare and contrast the role of hypoxia with hypercapnia as simulators for ventilation

analysis woman in society and sports

respond to at least 5 points made in the article below in a one page summary/analysis.

Women of Color in Society

and Sport Yevonne R. Smith

This article reviews literature that discusses parallels between women of color in society and sport. Although special emphasis is placed on African American women’s social, historical, and sport traditions, information on other ethnic groups’ socioeconomic status and participation in sport is in-cluded. The discussion focuses on the absence or silence of diverse ethnic women within the mainstream of society, sport, and scholarship and summa-rizes literature that highlights intersections of gender, race, and socioeco-nomic class. Research completed on women of color in sport is reviewed using Douglas’s analysis of the levels of research. A call is made for more scholarship on women of color from diverse ethnic backgrounds and different social realities in order to have more inclusive womanist feminist scholarship and race-relations theory.

Women of color, representing several diverse ethnic groups-identified as African American, Hispanic (LatinoPuerto Rican/Chicano), Asian American (Korean/Chinese/Japanese/Vietnamese), or Native American (Indian/Alaskan

Nativemawaiian Islanders)-have historically been silenced in society and sport. Traditionally, throughout American history, these women have not been privi-leged or highly visible in society and sport. As a consequence, little research has been completed on their unique social histories and experiences. Because the sporting experiences for participants in each cultural group, and in each socioeco-nomic class within these groups, may be decidedly different, it is difficult to merge all minority groups’ sociocultural traditions into one discussion. The experiences of all multicultural women in American society and sport are not identical; there are multiple perspectives and different social realities.

Therefore, diverse ethnic women must communicate what it is like to live both within their own cultural context and in mainstream society and to participate in sport at the intersections of race, gender, and class. Birrell (1989, 1990) called attention to these issues, and particularly to race relations as this dimension has long been neglected in sport studies:

The most effective blending would highlight not only class relations, but racial relations as well. The strong materialist base of both cultural studies and socialist feminism ensures attention to class relations, and socialist feminism

Yevonne R. Smith is with the Department of Physical Education and Exercise Science at Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI 48824.

WOMEN OF COLOR 229

ensures a focus on gender relations, but neither theory as presently conceptual-ized provides adequate theoretical attention to the issue of race relations.

The neglect of race is a serious criticism leveled at scholars in all fields, not just those in sport. Many feminists have acknowledged this prob-lem. . . . Unfortunately, sport studies scholars remain largely oblivious to these debates. (Birrell, 1990, p. 185)

She suggested that race and gender can no longer be studied simply as variables but must be understood as power relationships. One must begin to differentiate race and understand that discussions of race in sport have traditionally focused on black males and discussions of gender have traditionally focused on majority-race females (Birrell, 1989, 1990; Edwards, 1969, 1971; Hull, Scott, & Smith, 1982).

The purpose of this article is to review literature on women of color that highlights a tradition of silence and parallel invisibility in society with traditions in sport, sport being a microcosm of society. The article focuses primarily, but not exclusively, on the socio-historical and literary traditions, realities, and vantage points of African American women, who, according to Collins (1990), have experiences with implications for all women. Information on socio-economics and sport participation are included on other ethnic females. Women of color, particularly those in academe, have a unique vantage point, a marginal status in society, that can be designated as the “outsider-within” (Collins, 1990). As outsiders-within, we are in a unique position to experience and analyze social conditions and sport at the intersections of race, gender, and class. Therefore, as an African ~mericanwoman, I will draw upon my own sociohistoricaland literary traditions. Where possible, I have reviewed the writings and research of women of color and of others who are sensitive to issues affecting gender, race, and class.

The discussion centers on connecting what happens in society to conditions in sport. Four major topics that highlight the social and sport experiences of women of color are reviewed: historical traditions of silence; critical analyses of gender and race; socialization at the intersections of gender, race, and socioeco-nomic class; and an analysis of research on women of color.

Historical Traditions of Silence for Women of Color

Historically, African American women have been silenced during slavery, prior to and during the civil rights era, and during the women’s movement (Collins, 1990; Giddings, 1984; hooks, 1981). According to hooks (198 I), they have been denied the right to vote, have been raped by white and black men, have received inadequate wages, and have been exploited in service and domestic work. Also, there has been limited access to quality education, well-paying jobs, and legal protection (hooks, 1981). Similarly, their contributions to society and status in sport have been diminished (Green, Oglesby, Alexander, & Franke, 1981; Palmer, 1983).

Literature suggests that women of color have been silenced by being sup-pressed, excluded, and misrepresented at every level of social interaction and have been placed at the margins by the dominant culture in society and in sport (Douglas, 1988a; Gates, 1990). The legacy of societal discrimination and absence from powerful and prestigious positions has served as a backdrop to set the stage

230 SMITH

for the invisibility, silence, and parallel underrepresentation of women of color in sport leadership and scholarship positions. Culturally diverse women represent only 5% or less of all coaching, teaching, and sports administration positions (Alexander, 1978; Janis, 1985; Murphy, 1980; Smith, 1991), and little scholarship or research on multiethnic womenin sport has been published.

One can count on one hand the number of published analyses that specifically focus on women athletes of color. . . . Some unpublished descriptive work on Black women athletes is available . . . and we may find race as a variable in some of our research traditions . . .but no profound analyses have yet been begun. Even less material is available concerning Native American women. . . Asian American women, Chicanas, and members of other Hispanic groups. (Birrell, 1990, p. 186)

With the exception of a few outstanding elite athletes, Oglesby (1981) saw African American women as invisible in sport and described African American sportswomen as “fleeting, if ever in the consciousness of the sporting public. Nobody knows her; not publicists, nor researchers, nor entrepreneurs, nor pub-lished historians. . . . The black sportswoman is unknown and, of course, unher-alded” (p. 1).

In her analysis of Gwendolyn Brooks’ work The Darkened Eye Restored: Notes Toward a Literary History of Black Women,Washington (1990) commented on the African American women’s struggle to sustain her identity against a racist and sexist society and suggested that the silence of women results in much repressed anger. She focused on a tradition in literature and social history that misrepresents African American women as “self doubting, retentive and mute on the one hand and aggressive, powerful matriarchs on the other” (Washington, 1990, p. 31). She discussed a literary character, Maude, who symbolizes these images of silence:

Maude is restricted for a good part of the novel to a domestic life that seems narrow and limited. . . and, yet, if the terms invisibility, double-consciousness, and the black mask have any meaning at all for the Afro-American literary tradition, then Maude Martha, whose protagonist is more intimately acquainted with meanings of those words than any male character, belongs to that tradition. (Washington, 1990, p. 32)

This tradition of silence and invisibility excludes images of women of color sharing equally with men of color and with majority-race men and women.

Our “ritual journeys,” our “articulate voices,” our “symbolic spaces,” are rarely the same as men’s. Those differences, and the assumptions that those differences make women inherently inferior, plus the appropriation by men of the power to define tradition, account for women’s absence from our written records. (Washington, 1990, p. 32)

Critical questions have been asked concerning why the fugitive slave, fiery orator, political activist, or person of color in sport is always represented as a black man, or the woman in sport-and-gender studies as a white woman (Birrell, 1990; Washington, 1990). These omissions and biases continue to reinforce historical patterns of silence and contribute to the invisbility of women of color.

WOMEN OF COLOR 23 1

African American, Hispanic, Asian American, and Native American women are minority groups hidden within two more conspicuous groups (women and ethnic minority men). Consequently scholars have tended to disregard or overlook them

because been falsely assumed that their experiences are identical to those of other minorities and women (Allen, 1990). Critical feminist theorists of color have pondered these omissions and asked how is it that “heroic voices, and heroic images of the . . . [African American, Native American, Hispanic, and Asian American] women get suppressed in a culture that has depended on . . . [their] heroism for its survival” (Washington, 1990, p. 32).

Palmer (1983), in analyzing the economic strengths and events surrounding the speech of Sojourner Truth in 1851, “Ain’t I A Woman,” recalled how feminists accepted the message that denounced the prevailing opinion of women

as weak, fragile,creaturesandbutdependentlargely ignored women of color as a part of the feminist movementof. Because discriminatory practices based on

power relations, women of color have remained largely invisible in society, even during the civil rights and women’s movements, although they have provided leadership, role models, and the strength and work that has served as the catalyst for both movements (Collins, 1990; hooks, 1981, 1990; Palmer, 1983; Washing-ton, 1990). This observation caused Palmer to comment on the use of African American women as role models for all women in terms of their strength of character and ability to go beyond gender-role stereotypes:

Yet, the actions of one Black woman, Sojourner Truth, have become familiar to almost everybody, a standard exhibit in modem liberal historiography. White feminists who may know almost nothing else of Black women’s history are moved by Truth’s famous query, “Ain’t I A Woman.” They take her portrait of herself as “one who ploughed and planted, and gathered into barns” as compelling proof of falsity of the notion that women are frail, dependent, parasitic. They do not . . . use Sojourner Truth’s battle cry to show that Black women are not feeble. . . . Rather they have used Sojourner Truth’s hardiness and that of other Black women as proof of white women’s possibilities. . . . Women such as Sojourner Truth embody and display strength, directness, integrity, fire. (Palmer, 1983, pp. 152-153)

Yet, despite their personal strength and integrigty, women of color have historically been oppressed and omitted from the mainstream of society, sport, and scholarship. Douglas (1988a, 1988b) also observed the silence of African American women in sport literature and research and was overwhelmed by the silence, inaccuracy, and misrepresentation. In instances where African American female athletes have been made visible, she noted that often discussions are “replete with inaccuracies and misrepresentations” (Douglas, 1988b, p. 1). Simi-larly, Oglesby (1981) noted that when the African American sportswoman “looked to society and physical education and sport systems to clarify and define her, she found that her images were either distorted and inaccurate or absent” (p. 3). Major sites of the silence have been in media representations (Corbett, in press), power-based societal relationships, published literature, and sport research. The creation of these sociohistorical traditions have been described as a “matter of power, not justice, and that power has always been in the hands of men-mostly white but some Black” (Washington, 1990, p. 32). (…)

Summary and Conclusions

Women of color in sport are impacted by multidimensional sociocultural phenomena in society, within racial or ethnic groups, and in organized sports. Women of color in society and sport have been, and continue to be, challenged and silenced by the triple oppressions of sexism, racism, and classism. Because of the multiple oppressions faced by women of color, they are often concerned with issues inclusive of, but different from, majority-race women and minority-race men. Issues such as inclusionary practices in women’s and feminist studies (Baca Zinn et al., 1986; hooks, 1981, 1984, 1990), traditions of silence and invisibility for women of color in research and scholarship (Birrell, 1990; Douglas, 1988a; Palmer, 1983; Washington, 1990), and critical feminist thought and em-powerment (Collins, 1990; Davis, 1990, Giddings, 1984; hooks, 1981, 1984, 1990) are important issues to woman of color.Women of Color in Society

and Sport Yevonne R. Smith

This article reviews literature that discusses parallels between women of color in society and sport. Although special emphasis is placed on African American women’s social, historical, and sport traditions, information on other ethnic groups’ socioeconomic status and participation in sport is in-cluded. The discussion focuses on the absence or silence of diverse ethnic women within the mainstream of society, sport, and scholarship and summa-rizes literature that highlights intersections of gender, race, and socioeco-nomic class. Research completed on women of color in sport is reviewed using Douglas’s analysis of the levels of research. A call is made for more scholarship on women of color from diverse ethnic backgrounds and different social realities in order to have more inclusive womanist feminist scholarship and race-relations theory.

Women of color, representing several diverse ethnic groups-identified as African American, Hispanic (LatinoPuerto Rican/Chicano), Asian American (Korean/Chinese/Japanese/Vietnamese), or Native American (Indian/Alaskan

Nativemawaiian Islanders)-have historically been silenced in society and sport. Traditionally, throughout American history, these women have not been privi-leged or highly visible in society and sport. As a consequence, little research has been completed on their unique social histories and experiences. Because the sporting experiences for participants in each cultural group, and in each socioeco-nomic class within these groups, may be decidedly different, it is difficult to merge all minority groups’ sociocultural traditions into one discussion. The experiences of all multicultural women in American society and sport are not identical; there are multiple perspectives and different social realities.

Therefore, diverse ethnic women must communicate what it is like to live both within their own cultural context and in mainstream society and to participate in sport at the intersections of race, gender, and class. Birrell (1989, 1990) called attention to these issues, and particularly to race relations as this dimension has long been neglected in sport studies:

The most effective blending would highlight not only class relations, but racial relations as well. The strong materialist base of both cultural studies and socialist feminism ensures attention to class relations, and socialist feminism

Yevonne R. Smith is with the Department of Physical Education and Exercise Science at Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI 48824.

WOMEN OF COLOR 229

ensures a focus on gender relations, but neither theory as presently conceptual-ized provides adequate theoretical attention to the issue of race relations.

The neglect of race is a serious criticism leveled at scholars in all fields, not just those in sport. Many feminists have acknowledged this prob-lem. . . . Unfortunately, sport studies scholars remain largely oblivious to these debates. (Birrell, 1990, p. 185)

She suggested that race and gender can no longer be studied simply as variables but must be understood as power relationships. One must begin to differentiate race and understand that discussions of race in sport have traditionally focused on black males and discussions of gender have traditionally focused on majority-race females (Birrell, 1989, 1990; Edwards, 1969, 1971; Hull, Scott, & Smith, 1982).

The purpose of this article is to review literature on women of color that highlights a tradition of silence and parallel invisibility in society with traditions in sport, sport being a microcosm of society. The article focuses primarily, but not exclusively, on the socio-historical and literary traditions, realities, and vantage points of African American women, who, according to Collins (1990), have experiences with implications for all women. Information on socio-economics and sport participation are included on other ethnic females. Women of color, particularly those in academe, have a unique vantage point, a marginal status in society, that can be designated as the “outsider-within” (Collins, 1990). As outsiders-within, we are in a unique position to experience and analyze social conditions and sport at the intersections of race, gender, and class. Therefore, as an African ~mericanwoman, I will draw upon my own sociohistoricaland literary traditions. Where possible, I have reviewed the writings and research of women of color and of others who are sensitive to issues affecting gender, race, and class.

The discussion centers on connecting what happens in society to conditions in sport. Four major topics that highlight the social and sport experiences of women of color are reviewed: historical traditions of silence; critical analyses of gender and race; socialization at the intersections of gender, race, and socioeco-nomic class; and an analysis of research on women of color.

Historical Traditions of Silence for Women of Color

Historically, African American women have been silenced during slavery, prior to and during the civil rights era, and during the women’s movement (Collins, 1990; Giddings, 1984; hooks, 1981). According to hooks (198 I), they have been denied the right to vote, have been raped by white and black men, have received inadequate wages, and have been exploited in service and domestic work. Also, there has been limited access to quality education, well-paying jobs, and legal protection (hooks, 1981). Similarly, their contributions to society and status in sport have been diminished (Green, Oglesby, Alexander, & Franke, 1981; Palmer, 1983).

Literature suggests that women of color have been silenced by being sup-pressed, excluded, and misrepresented at every level of social interaction and have been placed at the margins by the dominant culture in society and in sport (Douglas, 1988a; Gates, 1990). The legacy of societal discrimination and absence from powerful and prestigious positions has served as a backdrop to set the stage

230 SMITH

for the invisibility, silence, and parallel underrepresentation of women of color in sport leadership and scholarship positions. Culturally diverse women represent only 5% or less of all coaching, teaching, and sports administration positions (Alexander, 1978; Janis, 1985; Murphy, 1980; Smith, 1991), and little scholarship or research on multiethnic womenin sport has been published.

One can count on one hand the number of published analyses that specifically focus on women athletes of color. . . . Some unpublished descriptive work on Black women athletes is available . . . and we may find race as a variable in some of our research traditions . . .but no profound analyses have yet been begun. Even less material is available concerning Native American women. . . Asian American women, Chicanas, and members of other Hispanic groups. (Birrell, 1990, p. 186)

With the exception of a few outstanding elite athletes, Oglesby (1981) saw African American women as invisible in sport and described African American sportswomen as “fleeting, if ever in the consciousness of the sporting public. Nobody knows her; not publicists, nor researchers, nor entrepreneurs, nor pub-lished historians. . . . The black sportswoman is unknown and, of course, unher-alded” (p. 1).

In her analysis of Gwendolyn Brooks’ work The Darkened Eye Restored: Notes Toward a Literary History of Black Women,Washington (1990) commented on the African American women’s struggle to sustain her identity against a racist and sexist society and suggested that the silence of women results in much repressed anger. She focused on a tradition in literature and social history that misrepresents African American women as “self doubting, retentive and mute on the one hand and aggressive, powerful matriarchs on the other” (Washington, 1990, p. 31). She discussed a literary character, Maude, who symbolizes these images of silence:

Maude is restricted for a good part of the novel to a domestic life that seems narrow and limited. . . and, yet, if the terms invisibility, double-consciousness, and the black mask have any meaning at all for the Afro-American literary tradition, then Maude Martha, whose protagonist is more intimately acquainted with meanings of those words than any male character, belongs to that tradition. (Washington, 1990, p. 32)

This tradition of silence and invisibility excludes images of women of color sharing equally with men of color and with majority-race men and women.

Our “ritual journeys,” our “articulate voices,” our “symbolic spaces,” are rarely the same as men’s. Those differences, and the assumptions that those differences make women inherently inferior, plus the appropriation by men of the power to define tradition, account for women’s absence from our written records. (Washington, 1990, p. 32)

Critical questions have been asked concerning why the fugitive slave, fiery orator, political activist, or person of color in sport is always represented as a black man, or the woman in sport-and-gender studies as a white woman (Birrell, 1990; Washington, 1990). These omissions and biases continue to reinforce historical patterns of silence and contribute to the invisbility of women of color.

WOMEN OF COLOR 23 1

African American, Hispanic, Asian American, and Native American women are minority groups hidden within two more conspicuous groups (women and ethnic minority men). Consequently scholars have tended to disregard or overlook them

because been falsely assumed that their experiences are identical to those of other minorities and women (Allen, 1990). Critical feminist theorists of color have pondered these omissions and asked how is it that “heroic voices, and heroic images of the . . . [African American, Native American, Hispanic, and Asian American] women get suppressed in a culture that has depended on . . . [their] heroism for its survival” (Washington, 1990, p. 32).

Palmer (1983), in analyzing the economic strengths and events surrounding the speech of Sojourner Truth in 1851, “Ain’t I A Woman,” recalled how feminists accepted the message that denounced the prevailing opinion of women

as weak, fragile,creaturesandbutdependentlargely ignored women of color as a part of the feminist movementof. Because discriminatory practices based on

power relations, women of color have remained largely invisible in society, even during the civil rights and women’s movements, although they have provided leadership, role models, and the strength and work that has served as the catalyst for both movements (Collins, 1990; hooks, 1981, 1990; Palmer, 1983; Washing-ton, 1990). This observation caused Palmer to comment on the use of African American women as role models for all women in terms of their strength of character and ability to go beyond gender-role stereotypes:

Yet, the actions of one Black woman, Sojourner Truth, have become familiar to almost everybody, a standard exhibit in modem liberal historiography. White feminists who may know almost nothing else of Black women’s history are moved by Truth’s famous query, “Ain’t I A Woman.” They take her portrait of herself as “one who ploughed and planted, and gathered into barns” as compelling proof of falsity of the notion that women are frail, dependent, parasitic. They do not . . . use Sojourner Truth’s battle cry to show that Black women are not feeble. . . . Rather they have used Sojourner Truth’s hardiness and that of other Black women as proof of white women’s possibilities. . . . Women such as Sojourner Truth embody and display strength, directness, integrity, fire. (Palmer, 1983, pp. 152-153)

Yet, despite their personal strength and integrigty, women of color have historically been oppressed and omitted from the mainstream of society, sport, and scholarship. Douglas (1988a, 1988b) also observed the silence of African American women in sport literature and research and was overwhelmed by the silence, inaccuracy, and misrepresentation. In instances where African American female athletes have been made visible, she noted that often discussions are “replete with inaccuracies and misrepresentations” (Douglas, 1988b, p. 1). Simi-larly, Oglesby (1981) noted that when the African American sportswoman “looked to society and physical education and sport systems to clarify and define her, she found that her images were either distorted and inaccurate or absent” (p. 3). Major sites of the silence have been in media representations (Corbett, in press), power-based societal relationships, published literature, and sport research. The creation of these sociohistorical traditions have been described as a “matter of power, not justice, and that power has always been in the hands of men-mostly white but some Black” (Washington, 1990, p. 32). (…)

Summary and Conclusions

Women of color in sport are impacted by multidimensional sociocultural phenomena in society, within racial or ethnic groups, and in organized sports. Women of color in society and sport have been, and continue to be, challenged and silenced by the triple oppressions of sexism, racism, and classism. Because of the multiple oppressions faced by women of color, they are often concerned with issues inclusive of, but different from, majority-race women and minority-race men. Issues such as inclusionary practices in women’s and feminist studies (Baca Zinn et al., 1986; hooks, 1981, 1984, 1990), traditions of silence and invisibility for women of color in research and scholarship (Birrell, 1990; Douglas, 1988a; Palmer, 1983; Washington, 1990), and critical feminist thought and em-powerment (Collins, 1990; Davis, 1990, Giddings, 1984; hooks, 1981, 1984, 1990) are important issues to woman of color.

responses 49

Can you respond to the three threads with positive feedback and detailed information I want a paragraph for each

only complete the worksheet and follow the requirements

i am attaching a sheet that need to be completed each section needs at least 3 good bullet points

and at least 2 sources sited ( less them 5 years old)

I got called up for reserve duty today . so if you can help

history essay 131

5-7 Pages, double-spaced, 12-point font, MLA citations

In 1903 the following famous poem by Emma Lazarus was engraved and placed upon the Statue of Liberty in New York Harbor. Think about this poem’s message. Did immigrants’ experiences reflect the hope and promise of this poem?

The New Colossus
By Emma Lazarus
Not like the brazen giant of Greek fame,
With conquering limbs astride from land to land;
Here at our sea-washed, sunset gates shall stand
A mighty woman with a torch, whose flame
Is the imprisoned lightning, and her name
Mother of Exiles. From her beacon-hand
Glows world-wide welcome; her mild eyes command
The air-bridged harbor that twin cities frame.
“Keep ancient lands, your storied pomp!” cries she
With silent lips. “Give me your tired, your poor,
Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free,
The wretched refuse of your teeming shore.
Send these, the homeless, tempest-tost to me,
I lift my lamp beside the golden door!”

In order to prepare and write this essay effectively, please address the following:

  1. What is the message of this poem?
    Click on this link to help you analyze the poem. After clicking on the link, click on the “Commentary” tab to learn about the meaning of the poem.
    http://www.loc.gov/poetry/poetry-of-america/american-identity/aliciaostriker-emmalazarus.html
  2. Which immigrants’ experiences reflected the message of the poem? Provide specific examples from the readings, films, assignments, and Module Content.
  3. Which immigrants’ experiences did not reflect the message of the poem? Provide specific examples from the readings, films, assignments, and Module Content.

Following is a recommended template for writing the essay that you may use if you wish. Parts 2 and 3 can have as many paragraphs as you wish.

Part 1: Introductory paragraph

  1. State your thesis. For example: The poem The New Colossus by Emma Lazarus promises hope for immigrants coming to America, but did America really live up to the promise of this poem?
  2. Explain the meaning of the poem
  3. Let the reader know where you stand on this question. Did immigrants’ experiences reflect the promises of the poem or not. Or did some immigrants have different experiences than others? Make sure your ending sentence lets the reader know what you plan to argue. Remember you do not have to choose one side or the other, you can argue that both sides are true if you wish.

Part 2: How did America live up to the poem’s promises? Provide specific examples

Part 3: How did America fail to live up the poem’s promises? Provide specific examples

Part 4: Closing paragraph. Restate your introduction in different words and make a final pronouncement about what the promise of the poem really meant for immigrants.